Yorùbá
Omo Odùduwà
Papers on Yoruba People,
Language, and Culture
by
Yoruba Language Program Students
Compiled and Previewed
by
Akinloye Ojo (August, 1999)
Akinloye
Ojo@1999
African Languages
Program,
Introduction
In September 1996 (Fall quarter),
the department of Comparative Literature and the
These eight students had also become
knowledgeable about aspects of Yoruba culture and society. As a final project,
they were assigned topics for cultural presentation and were asked to write
short papers in English on their respective topics. The initial eight papers
had topics varying from history, traditional healing, religion, marriage,
family system, economy and having twin children among the Yorubas. These papers
also began the practice of an end of term
presentations
and papers by students in the Yoruba language classes. The following eighteen
papers are just a selection from the growing number of such papers in the three
academic years that Yoruba classes have existed here at the
In all cases, the students were not
provided with any reference or review until the day of their first paper presentation.
The aim of the project or requirement was for the students to do research on
Yoruba language, culture and people, particularly and
It is hoped that these papers will
serve as a source of information to the in-coming Yoruba students as well as
other people interested in the language and culture. Enjoy.
Oba
Akinloye Ojo
LISTING OF PAPERS
Section One: Language
And History
The Language
of the Yoruba Olufemi
(Ako)
Who Are the
Yorubas? Babasoji
Yoruba History Olusanya
The
Traditional Government of Yorubaland Olukemi
Nigerian
(Yoruba) Traditional Family Structure Kolade
Yoruba
Traditional Marriage Olufemi (Abo)
Yoruba Naming
Ceremony Titilayo
M.
Twins in
Yoruba Society Oluseyi
(Taiwo)
The Historical
Economic Structure of Yorubaland Adeleke
Yoruba
Traditional Medicine Kehinde
Section Three: Religion
Yoruba
Religion Titilayo
S.
Yoruba
Traditional Religion Oluwole
Olodumare,
Orisa, ati Ebora: Yoruba Concepts of God Sangoleke
The Traditional
Yoruba Divination Ceremony with
Special
Emphasis on the Role of the Babalawo and Esu Olufemi
Female Deities
and Their Importance in Yoruba Culture Folarin
H.
Section Four: Women
in Society & Issues About
The Role of
Women in Traditional Yoruba Society Adeola
Women and
Culture: Yoruba Women vs. American Women Folarin
A.
The Language of The Yoruba Olufemi
(Ako)
Spoken primarily in
According to Mr. Dawodu, there are
“about 20 million speakers of the [Yoruba] language in...
The Yoruba alphabet is quite similar
to our own English alphabet. The main differences that separate the two are
that the Yoruba alphabet contains nasal vowels in addition to regular vowels.
The other major difference is that the Yoruba language is pronounced a little
differently. Nasal vowels are basically vowels that are not enunciated with the
larynx but rather the nasal passages. These vowels have a raspy sound instead
of a clear, crisp sound. In addition to these differences, the only other truly
big difference is in the use of accent marks (or tones) that utilized to mark
intonation of the words.
Although the Yoruba language and the
English language share many characteristics, the Yoruba language has a more
readily understandable grammatical structure. In Yoruba, the noun usually is
followed by the adjective. One aspect that makes Yoruba easier to learn is the
fact that the Yoruba language has far less verb tenses and possible
conjugations than English does. Whereas this would, on face value, seem to make
the language inherently confusing, it actually is not as confusing as on would
think. The key to understanding Yoruba words is to take the word in context,
this seems to simplify even the most difficult of verb forms or vocabulary.
The Yoruba language, as I stated
earlier, is deeply rooted in tradition. Following in tradition, the Yoruba
greeting process is chock full of traditional processes. In the Yoruba culture,
when a man of lesser age wishes to greet a man or woman older than he is, he
must lower himself on the ground and prostrate while the elder begins the
conversation. In the case of a woman who is not as old as the person she is
greeting, she must kneel and speak from that position until the elder gives her
permission to stand.
In addition to greeting properly,
the Yoruba language contains honorific words used to show respect in everyday
conversation. For instance, the Yorubas have a separate way to speak when they
are referring to a person older than they are. This type of honorific language
must be applied at all times in the Yoruba culture or else the person will be
seen as both rude and disrespectful. Speakers of the Yoruba language must
remain aware when they speak that the language in itself is used as an
instrument to delegate respect and show hospitality and good manners. Such
emphasis is put on propriety because in the Yoruba culture, the elders are
highly regarded and essentially are the (un)official leaders of their families.
As I mentioned ealier, the Yoruba
language is spoken primarily in
The Yoruba language is a constantly
changing entity that is consistently teaching students and regular people alike
about the different cultural chasms that exist between peoples across the world
and how learning a language can serve to link different cultures. At first,
learning a foreign language can seem hard or boring, but the results of
learning a language and understanding what someone from thousands of miles away
means makes it all worth the effort.
Online Sources
Online, Lucumi
Vocabulary, http://www.seanet.com/~efunmoyiwa/vocab.html
Online, Yoruba
Language, http://www.yorubaorg/language.html
Online, Languages and
Intro. http://www.citilink.com/~boomie/Nigeria/languages/html
Online, African
Languages Offered at the
Online, Yoruba Culture in the Diaspora http://www.yoruba.org/Diaspora.html
Online, The Yoruba and Other Major Nigerian Tribes http://www.stg.brown.edu/projects/.../landow/post/nigeria/yorubaFH.html
Who Are The Yorubas? Babasoji
Introduction
The Yorubas,
one of the major ethnic groups in
Who are the
Yorubas?
Several
theories exist as to the origin of the Yoruba people. Since their language was
unwritten for a long time, information about the group was carefully handed
down via the oral tradition. The Yorubas are said to have sprung from Lamurudu
one of the kings of
Under the influence of Oduduwa all
the men of the city were ordered on a three day hunting expedition in
preparation for the festival held in honor of their gods. Briama seized the opportunity of the men's
absence to wreck havoc on the city. He destroyed all of the idols in the city
with an axe, leaving the axe in the neck of the major idol. When the town’s
people learned of Briama’s handy-work, he was immediately ordered to be burnt
alive. At this time a revolt started which sparked a civil war. Lamurudu was
slain and all of his children were expelled from
Many historians do not believe that
the Yorubas could have come from
Oduduwa and his sons swore to avenge
the death of the Moslems in their native country. But Oduduwa died in Ile Ife before he was
powerful enough to revolt against the Moslems of his country. His eldest son
Okanbi, commonly called Idekoseroke, also died at Ile Ife, leaving behind seven
princes and princess. From these the various Yoruba tribe came to
existence. The first was a princess who
married a priest and became the mother of Olowu, ancestor of the Owus. The second
also a princess became the mother of Alaketu, progenitor of the Ketu people.
The third became the king of the
Another story about the origin of
the Yorubas is a traditional creation myth. The myth describes how God let down
a chain at Ile Ife by which Oduduwa-the ancestor of the Yorubas, and, indeed,
of all men descended, carrying a cock, some earth, and a palm kernel. He threw
the earth into the waters, the cock scratched it to become land, the palm grew
with sixteen branches-representing the sixteen original kingdom. Thus in
several versions of these myths one finds themes of creation and conquest. But
every town and lineage and every deity has its own origin myth. Nevertheless,
in all of them, Ile Ife is regarded as the center from which all Yorubas
dispersed to their present abodes. Ile Ife seems to have become a very important
center, with, perhaps at this time, a highly developed art in terra-cotta and
stone. Myths then suggest a later
conquest of
There is some level of diversity in
social and political organization among the Yorubas, but they share many basic
features. Inheritance and succession are based on patrilineal descent, and
members of the same patrilineage live under the authority of a headman. The
Yorubas are a people deeply rooted in customs and traditions. To narrow the
scope of this paper, two of their customs, marriage and religion will be
discussed. Within the Yoruba culture a man may not marry any woman of his own lineage,
nor of the lineage of any of his great-grandparents. In the past, he could not
marry from a lineage bearing the same taboos or appellations as his own, for
such (the taboos or appellations) implied descent from a common, if forgotten,
ancestor. Most men find their wives from their own town, or from neighboring
towns within their kingdom.
Parents are deeply involved in a
man’s first marriage. Parental views on the suitability of the chosen girl,
expressed in terms of the health and moral character of her family, still tend
to outweigh the selection of the young man based, perhaps, on physical
attraction. The wedding usually takes place when the girl is from sixteen to
eighteen years old, and the man in his middle or late twenties. At this point
the man makes a payment, now in cash, to the girl’s parents. There is no fixed amount. Part of this sum is kept by the mother to buy
pots and utensils for the new home. The rest is shared among the members of the
girl’s lineage.
Marriage gives the man a right to
his wife’s domestic labor, the sole sexual access to her (husband can claim
damages from an adulterer), and rights to all children born to her during the
marriage. Most Yoruba men aspire to have
several wives. Today, divorce is frequent, though the Yoruba say it was rare in
the past (perhaps because it was easier then than now for a powerful and
wealthy polygamist to victimize the seducer of one of his wives). Divorce seem
to involve young, childless women, a corollary perhaps of extreme stigma
attached to barrenness. When divorce is imminent, the woman secretly moves to
her lover’s home and immediately sues her husband for divorce.
The woman must repay all or portion
of the marriage payment, depending on the length of the marriage. A woman is
allowed to keep her small children with her after her divorce, but after they
are seven years old the father may claim them. Traditionally if the husband
dies, the woman may be given to a junior brother or to a son, other than her
own, who can maintain her and her children.
If she does not like the heir or brother, she must divorce him. Upon her
death, a woman’s children inherit from her, or if she has no children, the
nearest relatives in her own lineage. Husband and wife can never inherit from
each other. Many writers noted that the African marriage payment as creating
for the wife status of near slavery, and literate Yoruba sometimes adopt the
same usage. Yet the over submissiveness of the Yoruba wife to her husband is
perhaps the corollary of her great economic independence and her freedom to
secure divorce (Lloyd 566).
Traditional Yoruba religion involves
worship and respect of Olorun the Creator; of orisa, deities; and of ancestors.
The purpose of Yoruba religion is to achieve “divine consciousness.” The
Yorubas believe in having an earthly consciousness and a heavenly
consciousness. To them, conscious searching and right living can bring the
earthly one into alignment with the heavenly one. Yorubas do not worship
ancestors, but they respect them highly. Ancestors who had lived a good life
are believed to be able to help their living descendants to also live good
lives and to help them through troubles.
The Yorubas are said to have 401
deities. Most of the deities are anthropomorphic, but frequently these mythical
figures are also associated with natural features, especially rivers. There are
hundreds of major and minor orisa. People pray to them and sacrifice to them
according to their needs and situation. There are deities for hunters,
expectant mothers, for the home, for farming, etc. Each one has its own rule, rites, and
sacrifices. Some are believed to be
easily angered and so people seek to appease them; others are seen as
benevolent. The Yorubas pray to the
orisa for divine intervention in their lives. Orisa are considered to be
Olorun’s (God) way of intervening in human affairs.
Olorun (owner of sky) is God. He is the Creator. But no shrine exist to him, no organized
priesthood. He is invoked in blessings
or in thanks, and one may call on him with prayers. Orunmila is said to be `the
prophet and structural originator' of the Yoruba religion. He is also worshiped. He was probably a real
person around whom many beliefs have risen. The odu is the word for the Yoruba
scriptures, <not all of which is known> There is also ifa divination; this is believed to have
been founded by Orunmila at Ile Ife. The babalawo,
Orunmila's earthly representative casts down onto his ifa board two chains of
four kernels, cowries, or similar objects, some falling face down, others face
up. For each of the 256 possible
positions there is a lengthy verse to know the cause of illness or bad luck,
put upon the person by the deity whom he has offended or ought to serve.
The Yorubas believe that the dead
interfere in the daily events on earth. The egungun, masquerade or masked
dancers, in whom the spirit of a deceased person is thought to reside
temporarily, appears at funeral ceremonies. In northern Yoruba towns, festivals
are held in which each egungun dances through the town on a certain day, and on
a final day, they all dance to the palace to greet the Oba (the King).
One of the many Yoruba religious
groups, the Sango worshippers are said to have originated from an early
mythical Alafin of Oyo who hanged himself; he is the god of thunder. Sango
worshipping is important in Oyo, but is found in other Yoruba towns. The shrine
in the compound of the hereditary priest contains the “thunderbolt”. Another
important Yoruba deity is Ogun, the god of iron and war. Throughout Yoruba
country, Ogun is associated with Ire and Ekiti towns. The shrine of Ogun is a
group of phallic-shaped granite monoliths. The annual festival of Ogun is
usually one in which most of the townspeople participate; a dog is always
sacrificed.
Orisha Oko, the farm deity, is
associated with Irawo, a town near Saki, in the north most part of Yoruba land.
However, Orisa Oko worship is also found in most Oyo towns. Oya, the mythical
wife of Sango, is also identified with the
As we have already seen, the Yorubas
are a people with very rich culture. They have been through a lot and have
overcome a lot of obstacles to reach the point they are today. Their culture
and history can be seen throughout the world. They have influenced many other
cultures especially with their religious beliefs. In other words, the Yoruba
people are one of the most influential groups in the world.
Yoruba History Olusanya
The origin of the Yoruba in
Obatala descended from heaven on a
chain, carrying a small snail shell full of earth, palm kernels and a five-toed
chicken. He was to empty the content of the snail shell on the water after
placing some pieces of iron on it, and then to place the chicken on the earth
to spread it over the primordial water. According to the first version of the
story, Obatala completed this task to the satisfaction of Olodumare. He was
then given the task of making the physical body of human beings after which
Olodumare would give them the breath of life. He also completed this task and
this is why he has the title of "Obarisa" the king of orisas. The
other variant of the cosmogonic myth does not credit Obatala with the
completion of the task. While it concedes that Obatala was given the task, it
avers that Obatala got drunk even before he got to the earth and he was unable
to do the job. Olodumare got worried when he did not return on time, and he had
to send Oduduwa to find out what was going on. When Oduduwa found Obatala drunk,
he simply took over the task and completed it. Thus, Oduduwa created land. The
spot on which he landed from heaven and which he redeemed from water to become
land is called Ile-Ife and is now considered the sacred and spiritual home of
the Yoruba. Obatala was embarrassed when he woke up and, due to this
experience, he made it a taboo for any of his devotees to drink palm wine.
Olodumare forgave him and gave him the responsibility of molding the physical
bodies of human beings. The making of land is a symbolic reference to the
founding of the Yoruba kingdoms, and this is why Oduduwa is credited with that
achievement.
According to the second version of
the myth, there was a pre-existing civilization at Ile-Ife prior to its
invasion by a group led by Oduduwa. This group came from the east, where
Oduduwa and his group had been persecuted on the basis of religious
differences. They came to Ile-Ife, fought and conquered the pre-existing Igbo
(unrelated to the present day Igbo people of
Indeed the second version of the
cosmogonic myth also appears to foreshadow the political variant. The claim
that Obatala got drunk and the task of creation had to be performed by Oduduwa
already has some political coloration which is now explicit in the political
version of the tradition. What is crucial in both variants of the story is the
role of Oduduwa as the founder of the Yoruba nation which is why the name
cannot be forgotten. Oduduwa is the symbol of the nation, the rallying point
for all those who subscribe to the Yoruba identity. The name Yoruba itself,
according to historians Smith, Atanda and others, ‘was fixed on us by our
northern neighbors and later popularized by colonial publications.’ Before
then, the "Anago" to which some Yoruba in the present
Upon the death of Oduduwa, there was
the dispersal of his children from
The Igbos would come to town in
costumes made of raffia with terrible and fearsome appearances, and the
Oranmiyan was the last of the Oduduwa
offsprings. But he was the most adventurous and the founder of
third ruler of
Afonja refused to recognize the new
king, and invited the Fulani who were then leading a jihad to the south, to
assist him against the king. They did, but he did not survive himself, because
the Fulani, after helping him defeat the Alafin also turned against him. They
fired numerous arrows at him and his dead body was stood erect on those arrows
as they stuck into his body. The treachery of Afonja marked the beginning of
the end of the Oyo empire and with it the decline of the Yoruba nation. Civil
war erupted among the various Yoruba kingdoms: Oyo, Ijesa, Ekiti, Ijaiye,
Now, Since the ancient history of
Yoruba is covered, more modern history should take prevalence. There have been
many events that have taken place in the 20th century. Between 1914 and 1922,
On
In January of 1966, a group of army
officers, consisting mostly of the Ibo peoples, and led by General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi,
overthrew the central and regional governments, killed the prime minister, took
control of the government, and got rid of the federal system of government to
replace it with a central government with many Igbos as advisors. This caused a
lot of riots and a lot of Igbos were killed in the process. In July of the same
year, a group of northern army officers revolted against the government (it
seems this started a long history of military coups), killed General Johnson
Aguiyi-Ironsi, and appointed the army chief of staff, General Yakubu Gowon as
the head of the new military government.
In 1967, Gowon moved to split the
existing 4 regions of
In 1971,
Though
The history of Yoruba is very
interesting. Olodumare, the Supreme Being of the Yoruba culture, is equivalent
to the Christian God. The story of how the chicken spread the sand across the
Earth is similar how God created the Earth in the Christian Bible. They are
very similar but the political view is much more believable and accepted. As a student and firm believer of religion
(Christianity), I am very interested in the similarities of the two
religions. I would also love to learn
more about the history and other similarities between the Yoruba and
Christianity beliefs.
Sites Cited:
Oduduwa: The Man
Behind it All. 1997
Yoruba: Past, Present, and Future. Dept. of Foreign
Languages,
The
Traditional Government of Yorubaland Olukemi
Before
the British colonized
There
are various groups and subgroups in Yorubaland because of the fact that there
are many distinct dialects of Yoruba. The government of this diverse people is
quite intricate and each group and subgroup vary, but in general government
begins at home within your immediate family. The next level is the clan, or
extended family with its own head, Baálé,
then the town chiefs, Baálè rule over
clans, and these chiefs are subject to their Oba King, and this king may also be subject to another larger king
(Asiwaju, 20).
In
Yorubaland, government begins at home. The father of the family is considered
the head of the family and his first wife is the mother of the house. If her
husband chooses to marry another wife, that wife must show proper respect to
the first wife even if the first wife is chronologically younger. Children are
taught to have respect for all those who are older than they are. This includes
their parents, aunts, uncles, elder siblings, and cousins who they deal with
every day (Bascom, 42). Any adult presumably has as much authority over a child
as the child’s parents do. All members of a particular clan live in the same
compound and share family resources, rights, and possessions such as land
(Boscom 43).
Clans
are patrilateral. The continuance of the clan depends on the male. Women leave
the clan and become members of the clan of their husband. Children belong to
the clan of their father. It comes as no surprise that the eldest male member
of a clan is the leader (Baálé). He acts as a father and authority figure to
every member of the clan. One of the main responsibilities of the Baálé is to
peacefully settle disputes within the clan (Bascom 44). Only if a conflict
involves two or more families and it is impossible for the Baálé to make a peaceful
decision is the town chief, Baálè or Olóyè
called to settle the conflict. This is a
basic family government structure in Yorubaland (Boscom 44).
Each
kingdom in Yorubaland has its own specifics in government. The
The
king’s authority is based on the Yoruba myth of creation. After the main deity
Odua created Yorubaland, he sent his 16 sons to establish kingdoms. The
kingdoms of today all claim their origin from creation, but there is much
debate as to the validity of these claims.
The king (Oba or the Oòni, in the case of Ile Ife) is distinguished by
his right to wear a beaded crown. This
crown symbolizes the kingís authority. A new crown is made for each Oòni but
beads from the crown of his predecessor are used to preserve the link to Odua
(Bascom 30). The king may substitute the crown for a beaded cap, but his head
is never uncovered. Oòni have also been known to use beaded gowns, sandals, cushions
and other items. Solidly beaded items are restricted to the use of the king.
In
many respects the king is considered divine. After being chosen king from all
eligible males of the royal family by the town chiefs, the king will only see his
family incognito and under the cover of darkness. He appears in public only
once a year. He lives isolated in his palace. Town chiefs and palace chiefs are
his only link to the outside (Bascom 32). Kingship doesn’t pass father to son.
The four branches of the royal clan are able to put someone up for king in
rotation, but branches may be skipped if there is no suitable candidate or if
that candidate is somehow incompetent. The branch campaigns its own eligible
males by hosting banquets and showing generosity in other ways (Bascom 33).
The
qualifications that the chiefs look for in a prospective king are that he must
be at least thirty years old, married with a family, and his father must be
dead so that the king is truly subject to no one else. A candidate for king
must prove himself to have good character, to be unselfish, and willing to
listen. Wealth is important to show the generosity of the hopeful Oòni, but it
is not essential (Bascom 31). There is evidence that Oòni have been women in
the past, but today Oòni are predominantly men. The king’s compound can count
on his protection and favor. Socially, they are put above the towns people. The
other royal compounds put themselves below the towns people so that they will
not be considered arrogant or selfish when it’s time to select a new Oòni
(Bascom 32).
The
Oòni are not so far above the people that tyrants and unsuitable kings can not
be discarded. An Oòni was once selling his own people into slavery. A mob of
citizens and chiefs gathered in front of the king’s palace to demonstrate their
outrage. This is not something the people will do on a purely political basis.
An Oni has seriously abused his power to cause such a demonstration. When the
palace is mobbed in such a way, the king has only two choices. He may live in
exile forever or kill himself (Boscom 33).
The
Yoruba people have a unique system of government revolving around tradition and
respect. The fact that government begins at home helps instill responsibility
and good citizenship at an early age. Yoruba government before European
colonization was highly effective. The complex system of heads of clans,
chiefs, and kings varies from kingdom to kingdom, but has enough cultural basis
to allow the Yoruba people to have a sense of identity as a Yoruba citizen.
Over
time, however, it has become increasingly difficult to separate local and
national political processes. Much of the traditional small government has
given way to a more centralized system. The power and autonomy of local-level
political institutions have progressively eroded, with the significant
decisions made in the state capitals or in the federal capital (Eades 92). The
trend towards less local government began with the fall or decline of many
kingdoms in the 19th century (Bascom 27). European and Fulani penetration also
helped set the trend. The most significant factor was the growing importance of
military chiefs (Eades 92). This led to the modification of political systems
of the kingdoms that did survive and the evolution of new systems in new
states. Following British occupation there was a period of in-direct colonial
rule.
The
system of in-direct colonial rule continued until the 1950s. The main trend was the growing involvement of
literates and wealthy entrepreneurs in local politics and their opposition to,
or support of, the traditional rulers. Civilian politics lasted from 1952 to
1966. Power shifted away from the Native
Authorities set up by the British to the new regional and national governments.
Events in Yourbaland became more and more dependent on the events taking place
at the national level. This remained the case in the period of military rule,
during which the break-up of the old political units and growth of the
financial power of the federal government strengthened central control (Eades
93). With the return to civilian rule under an executive presidency, as is now
occurring, this trend is likely to continue (Eades 94).
New
systems of government arose from the problems due to the fall of many
traditional kingdoms and the creation of new ones. Brand new systems had to be devised to handle
the different subcultures within the population in many of the larger towns and
the difficulties of integrating them into a single political system (Eades
100). The growing power of military commanders and traders and the decline of
traditional political authorities also created problems that new policies
attempted to deal with (Eades 100).
The
period of time where
Within
their own regions, the dominant parties were able to consolidate their
positions through the distribution of patronage, through control of the police
and the courts and through violence (Eades 111). By the late 1960s up to the
present, Obas and town chiefs have an ambiguous position in government (Eades
113). The people lacked elected representatives so the Obas and chiefs became
the unofficial voices of the people. Military Governors had the title of power
and the man power to enforce legislation, but they continually sought the
advice of the Obaa and chiefs to gauge the reaction of the people to certain
situations. Not that the counsel of the Obas was always taken seriously (Eades
113).
The
military rulers were and are unable to keep the peace. Traditional and military
governments have been in a constant struggle. Over time the violence has
dissipated with the rise of an educated, financially secure population ready
for change. Governmental power has
slowly shifted back to the civilian. This process is still under way (Eades
115). There is no set formula for local government in Yorubaland, but the
people are working hard to attain an efficient democracy (Eades 115). The
relationship between local and state governments still need to be discerned
before there can be a distinct structure in local government. Any government
must have the ability to effectively tax its citizens. This has been an ongoing
problem with the many small local governments and larger ones that have risen
and fallen in the past. Another problem Yoruba citizens must face is attracting
educated and suitable local officials.
The
state and national governments are much more promising and rewarding paths for
politicians. The final stumbling block to local governments is the prestige and
influence that the traditional rulers still maintain (Eades 116). They are
still considered leaders in thought and are given some clout in local affairs.
Bibliography
Asiwaju, A.I.:
Bascom,
William: The Yoruba of
Eades, J.S.:
The Yoruba Today.
Laitin, David
D.: Hegemony and Culture. The
Ojo, Afolabi
G.J.: Yoruba Culture.
Olusanya, G.O.:
Studies in Yoruba History and Culture. University Press Ltd.,
Nigerian (Yoruba) Traditional Family Structure Kolade
Purpose of the
Paper
This paper provides an account of
sex role differences in the Nigerian household (focusing primarily on farming).
The paper focuses on the division of labor, income, and financial
obligations.
Introduction
There are several reasons why sex
role differences are particularly relevant within the context of the
Sub-Saharan. First , a variety of studies indicate that the chief constraint on
agricultural production in this region is labor availability at critical times
of the year. Labor bottlenecks manifest themselves during peak farming periods
when several operations such as planting, ridging, thinning, and weeding must
be performed simultaneously. Labor availability to meet these peak requirements
places a limit on the amount of land that a family can farm and on the ability
of a farming household to adopt labor-increasing technologies.
These problems relating to the
availability and seasonality of farm labor can be illustrated by sex role
differences. In most areas of Sub-Saharan Africa, cultural traditions have
created a sharp sexual division of labor in the household. Men and women typically control different
crops and carry out different tasks. For
example, women might do all the weeding and men might do all the planting or
harvesting. These difference in task account for the substantial differences in
the amount of time spent by each sex on farm and household labor.
Second, in addition to their
different labor roles, women and men in the African farming household typically
have different sources of income and different financial responsibilities. Each
gender's sources of assets and income are generally linked to their different
obligations and labor roles. Women are frequently responsible for their own and
their children's food and clothing, and women's contribution to their family's
nutrition may be crucial at certain times of the year. Men's earnings
frequently go toward large farming and family expenses and toward their own
personal expenses.
For instance, a woman earns and
controls income from yams, a crop from which she performs most of her labor. A
woman uses yam to feed her family, and she then uses the proceeds from the sale
of surplus yams to meet other responsibilities of household expenses. Men earn
and control income from millet and rice, crops which are used for home
consumption but which are also important market crops. Different sources of
income and financial responsibilities can mean a lack of incentive for one sex
to contribute labor to crop production that financially benefits the other sex.
Different returns to labor for each sex can also cause labor bottlenecks in the
face of conflict over labor allocations. For example, if women who are
typically responsible for producing food crops for home consumption should
increase their labor in cash crop production, which is frequently a male
income-earning activity.
While there is much variation, women
have important roles in food production in Sub-Saharan Africa, and in some
areas they are the primary producers. Women are estimated to perform 60 to 80
percent of all agricultural work and to provide up to 70 percent of the region's
food. In
The HouseHold
The different Nigerian groups live
in compounds. The compounds are made up of huts, between three and forty in a
compound. The number of people living in
a compound varies, with the average being seventeen members. The living in the
compound form an extended patrilineal polygamous family consisting of a
compound head, his wife or wives, their children, unmarried adult daughters,
adult sons and their wives and children. The size of the farm reflects the
amount of agriculturally active people in the compound. The head has control of land and the size of
the fields of each person in the compound. In practice, discussion of all the
land takes place with all the male members present. The ranking of the co-wives
and the age of household members are among the factors that affect one's status
within the household.
The family is characterized by the
extended family sytems. The central
purpose of marriage is to have children. In addition to parents' own children,
relatives children are often adopted in order to demonstrated their concern and
regard for the family members. The
practice of polygamy is wide spread among most of the groups in
Parent-Child
Relationships
The manner in
which Nigerian parents care for their children varies greatly in different
regions. The method of child care is dependent upon several factors. If the
family is very poor and the mother has to work some distance from the house,
other members of the family, such an older brother of sister, aunt, cousin, or
grandmother will care for the children while the mother is away during the day.
Another variation of this kind of child care is that when the family is poor,
they may send some of their children to more prosperous relatives living in
other towns of villages. This may occur even if the family is not indigent. In
such instances, the motive is to unite family ties more solidly. Although this
traditional adoption method of raising children is still popular in the present
day, modern families are beginning to become more wealthy and educated and seem
not to practice this as much as in the past.
This probably has to do with families being more well to do than they
were in the past. Therefore, some do not
see the need as their parents did.
But in general, children’s reactions
during adoption is no different than here in the
Since
Conclusion
In conclusion, Nigerian families are
generally more involved in the rearing of children. The father is usually the
primary income supplier in the family with the mother doing extra or smaller
jobs to supplement the entire family income. Families are closer together, as
extended family members live in the same household. This makes the whole family
closer in their relationship, and everyone takes on a role in raising the same
children. Unlike the households in the
Yoruba Traditional Marriage Olufemi
(Abo)
Introduction
Yoruba marriage customs have been greatly
influenced by contact with other cultures, but the Yorubas have nevertheless
retained their own individual traditions and methods. In
Yoruba
Traditional Marriage
In Yoruba culture, nearly everyone
marries. Traditionally, Yorubas practice both monogamy and polygamy, but the
latter is the most common of the two. Although western contact has changed
customs and rituals in every area to some extent, in some ways traditional
beliefs about marriage remain intact in Yorubaland, even though they are now
expressed in different ways. There were several purposes, traditionally, for
marriage. One of the most important was creating ties between families.
According to Mann (1985), Yoruba marriage is "a union of lineages, not
individuals" (p. 37). Traditional marriages were arranged, and they did
not necessarily involve love or romance at all, but they joined two separate
families as well as providing for children and starting a man in his own life,
separate from his father.
For the man involved, marriage had
many advantages. It enabled him to have (legitimate) children, and it provided
him with domestic help. In modern times, only a few men choose to stay single,
and they are mostly Christian in religion rather than traditional or Muslim.
For the woman, marriage provided financial security (although women had their
own incomes and might even be richer than their husbands), and social status.
However, some Yorubas could not easily marry. Since marriage affects one's
extended family and relatives as much as oneself, families make extensive
inquiries about a potential mate for their sons and daughters. If a person
could be a carrier of a hereditary disease, or if one had a severe physical or
mental problem, such as insanity, leprosy, or epilepsy, one might be unable to
marry.
Remarriage and
Alternative Weddings
As with most parts of
The second type of wedding is an
informal one by mutual consent of the individuals involved. This is becoming
more common in modern times. These weddings can also be Christian or sometimes
Muslim or just legal and non religious. They usually do not involve as much
ceremony as the first type, nor do they always involve the payment of bride
wealth to the girl's family. Courting for this type of marriage is done
directly by the parties involved, usually with their parent's consent, and not
by intermediaries as is traditional.
The third type, a gift, is usually a
Muslim wedding and not Christian or traditional. If a girl is troublesome or
wild, or if a girl's father wishes to show special honor to a friend, he may
give his daughter as a gift to a husband with no exchange of dowry. Her father
may do this to show his generosity. He may also do it to bring her under
control in the close supervision of her husband's home and his older wives. The
fourth type of marriage is called the levirate. If a woman's husband dies, she
may be given over to the care of another family member, such as a brother or
cousin of the husband. If she does not
like the man who is to inherit her, she can sue for divorce. This type of
marriage can be Muslim or traditional, but not Christian.
Finding a
Spouse
Traditional weddings in the past
were always arranged by the families of the bride and groom. The family ensured
that the marriage was appropriate and socially acceptable, and it went to great
lengths to make certain that the marriage was a good match and would be happy
and prosperous. However, its efforts were focused more on the general
acceptability of the prospective mate than on his or her specific desirability
for the son or daughter for whom they sought a spouse. The family of a young
man begins to seek his wife usually after he goes through puberty. Girls could
be betrothed between the ages of five and ten but not married off until when
they have passed puberty around their late teen or early twenties.
For a man's first marriage, his
parents and extended family makes the arrangements, found the girl, and paid
the bride-price. For later marriages, he does it for himself, or his senior
wife might do it. A family seeking a wife for one of its sons had several
considerations. They sought a girl who lived close enough for the union to be
convenient and who was healthy and came from a good, responsible, healthy
family. They could not marry their son to a blood relative, even a distant one.
They also sought a girl with good parents. They inquired about her mother's
character, assuming the girl was likely to turn out like her mother. They also
avoided a girl whose parents were immoral (for then she might be the same) or
careless with money (for a man could be saddled with his father-in-law's
debts).
Once a boy's parents found a girl
they considered suitable, an intermediary approached the girl's family. Her
parents then make the same inquiries about his family, searching for any
relationship to themselves, for diseases, and anything else that could make the
marriage unsuccessful, unproductive, or a liability to the family. If the
results of these inquiries were unfavorable, the girl's parents would not say
so directly, but they would consult the Ifa priest. Then they would tell the
parents of the young man that the divination was unfavorable, and that would
end it. If, on the other hand, the family was acceptable, this response would
be communicated through an intermediary, and the engagement was sealed by
payment of the ijowun, a gift from
the man's family to the girl's and the first installment of the bride wealth.
Today, the vast majority of Yorubas
no longer practice arranged marriages.
Western contact has influenced them so that most marriages are based on
the choice of the individuals involved. Parents approve of one's choice and pay
a bride-price (Delano, 1937: 121). This is the second type of marriage,
marriage by mutual consent.
Betrothal
Throughout the betrothal period,
which lasted 10-15 years, until the girl was about 20, the girl called the man
her oko, husband, and he called her
his iyawo, bride. She was not
permitted to meet or speak to her husband or to members of his family, except
in some Yoruba groups which allow the groom to pay an extra bride-price fee: owo ibasuro, money for speaking. This is
not a very widespread custom; for the most part, traditionally, engaged couples
did not overtly interact at all.
The bride-price was usually paid in
two installments, the ijowun and the idana. The ijowun consisted of pepper,
kolas, beer, wine, gin, bitter kola, and honey. It was paid when the girl's
parents accepted the man for their daughter, and it legally sealed the
engagement. The second installment, the idana, included the same things as the
ijowun plus some cloth wrappers. Bride-wealth could also be paid in three
installments: the engagement sealing, "love money" paid before the
girl's third year of puberty, when she became marriageable, and "wife
money" paid just before the wedding.
On the days when dowry payments were
sent, the households of both the man and the girl feasted and celebrated
separately all day. When delegates from the groom arrived with the dowry, the
girl's family would carefully examine all the articles to see if any were
defective. If they were, they would be returned to be exchanged. Sometimes the
delegates would bring replacement articles in case of such an event. If the
items were acceptable, the girl would be asked if the payment should be
accepted, and she would answer yes. Then the dowry was received, and the delegates
who brought it were given gifts. The girl's family would beat drums to indicate
that the items were good, and then the dancing in that household would begin.
There were, in traditional times,
professional dowry bearers. They would receive a gift for their services from
both families. When they came to the girl's house with the dowry, they would
say, " We spied a red rose in your garden, and we come to pick it."
The girl's father would reply that they had no red rose for the guests. This
would continue for a while until the dowry bearers were invited inside and the
dowry was accepted or refused. When the dowry had been accepted, the bearers,
after receiving a gift, would return home singing, " We won our case,
certainly. They gave us a daughter, certainly " (Delano, 1937: 127-128).
Bride wealth is also paid for a Christian marriage, but it is done a little
differently. Christian weddings in
The dowry was not, for the most
part, retained by either the girl or her family. The cloth wrappers of the
idana went to the girl, and her father might keep a bottle of wine from either
or both of the dowry payments. The rest of the items were distributed to the
girl's friends and to clubs of which she was a member. If she was involved in
many groups and had many friends, each might only receive a small gift, such as
one kola nut.
Bride wealth served several
important purposes. Legally, it was the most important factor to be settled in
the event of a divorce: to divorce her husband, a woman must return his bride
wealth. It represented the commitment to the marriage by both individuals and
their families, and it was a safeguard against breaking that commitment. It
kept the wife from cheating on or disrespecting her husband because it would
have to be repaid for her to leave him. It also prevented the husband from
mistreating his wife because he had made a large financial investment in her.
Finally, the bride-price legally established the woman's husband as the father
of her children. .A proverb about this says, " One who does not own a kola
tree cannot have its fruit " (Bascom, 1969: 60).
When a woman reached marriageable
age (the third year of puberty), her body was decorated with beauty marks by a
surgeon. Her fiancee was required to pay for this and to provide the necessary
materials, such as oil, dye, etc. This was also a hint to the bridegroom to go
ahead and set a date for the wedding. He did this also through his intermediary,
and he was required to show eagerness for the date to be sooner rather than
later.
Relatives
A groom-to-be had many obligations
to fulfill to his in-laws in addition to paying the bride-price. He had to pay
annual gifts of the best of his farm's produce to them. This was not a hardship
as these gifts were always very small. He also was required to be available to
help his father-in-law with manual labor and farmwork if he were asked. When
his father-in-law asks him for help, which was done most often in building and
rebuilding houses, the groom would go to help along with his egbe, his group of friends and age
mates. They would spend the day working on the father-in-law's farm, doing
whatever was asked of them. Also, sons-in-law were responsible for giving gifts
and services on special occasions, particularly upon the death of the old
relatives or grandparents of his wife or fiancee.
For this,
one might suspect that the Yorubas would often prefer daughters to sons.
Sons-in-law are always required to be respectful and helpful to his wife's
family. Fadipe says, "to have many daughters is to have many people to
call into one's service" (1970: 77). If a groom-to-be fails to fulfill his
obligations to his fiancee's family, the engagement may be broken off, the
dowry returned, and a more resourceful suitor sought.
Wedding
Ceremonies
Compared to the large celebrations
associated with dowry payments, the traditional wedding ceremony was often a fairly
quiet affair, but it still involves much celebration. On the morning of her
wedding day, the bride was bathed and dressed by her father's wives. Then she
went to her parents and was received with honor and outward display of respect
by them for the first time in her life. Her father would greet her and bless
her. Then her mother, weeping, would also bless her and talk to her about
married life and home management. Both mother and daughter would weep and
embrace and say their first farewells. The girl then spent most of the day
quietly in her room with her best friends while the rest of the household
danced and feasted.
Towards evening, the household would
sit in assembly with the head of the household presiding. He would call for the
bride to come in to them because the family had decided to give her in marriage
that day. She came in with her face covered and was lectured again about
married life. Then came the ekun iyawo,
the bride's cry/weeping. She would say some moving farewell sentences that she
had memorized to her mother, family, and friends. She would weep a great deal,
as would everyone else.
Then the wedding procession would
leave for the groom's house. This consisted of the bride, four young men of her
father's house, her egbe (age mates),
four wives of her extended family, and her bridesmaid (usually a niece or first
cousin). When they arrive at his home, the groom's senior wife, if he had one,
or the last wife in the groom's extended family, would welcome the bride and
walk her in on her shoulder. The leader of the four young men would greet the
family and deliver the bride's father's message: that she should have many
children, that she should not go hungry or do exactly as she wished, that she
was inexperienced and not always agreeable and could be chastised if she caused
offense. Then she was handed over to her father-in-law.
If she was not the first wife of her
husband, she was adopted during her betrothal by one of his senior wives. This
wife, who carried her into their husband's home, also washed her feet with
water holding money, so she would be rich, and with an infusion of leaves, so
she would bear children. Then she went to her husband's room. There was very
little rejoicing in his household until she was found to be a virgin. If she
was, the proof of it was sent to her family the next day with a message of
thanks for preserving her for her husband. If not, a symbolic message, such as
a half-full jug of palm-wine or a kola nut with holes in it, was sent without a
message. The meaning was understood, and the girl remained with her husband but
was a disgrace to both families.
Traditionally, a woman had only one
wedding ceremony in her life. If her husband died or she was divorced, she
could sometimes remarry, but there would be no wedding ceremony. Men, however,
could have numerous wedding ceremonies if they married several wives after a
betrothal.
Polygamy
Polygamy was traditionally very
acceptable and common in
Within a polygamous marriage, there
is usually little or no jealousy among the wives. Each has a certain status
with respect to the others, and each has her own responsibilities, duties, and
privileges. Younger wives are responsible for child care and usually for the
more unpleasant household tasks. Older wives are often traders or businesswomen
and sometimes travel extensively. Junior wives must always show respect to
senior wives in a compound, and this seniority is determined not by age but by
date of marriage. When a man marries a new wife, she is responsible for the
most unpleasant jobs for the first year or so. If she sees another wife
working, she must offer to help, and if her offer is refused, she must be
persistent and offer several times. Usually, the senior wife eventually gives
in to her.
Divorce
Traditionally, divorce in Yorubaland
was very rare. The husband's family with whom the couple lived acted to soothe
arguments, and the presence of children who belonged to her husband helped
prevent a woman from seeking a divorce. Because of polygamy, men had little
incentive for divorcing wives. However, even in the past women sometimes
divorced their husbands for reasons of excessive abuse, habitual laziness,
drunkenness, or infectious disease. Or, if a woman's husband died, she could
divorce the family if she did not want to go to the man who was to inherit her.
Even today, when divorce is much
more common than it used to be, the process is essentially the same. The
important issue is repaying the husband his bride-price. A divorce court
investigates to determine exactly how much was paid, and someone must pay the
husband that amount in order for his wife to divorce him. If his wife leaves
him for another man, the new man pays the bride-price, and she becomes his
wife.
In the past, a woman might seek a
divorce because of extreme cruelty, and she would go to the king's palace and
take hold of one of the pillars. If her husband found her there, he could not
touch her. If a man wanted a wife, he could go there and pick one. He would
then pay a clerk an agreed-upon price and take her home as his wife. Modern
marriages are more likely to end in divorce. When a Christian marriage
divorced, under British law the husband had to
pay his wife alimony. Sometimes women took advantage of this, divorcing
their husbands just to get alimony.
In Yorubaland, the modern world has
influenced every area of life, and marriage and families are no exception. The
Yoruba culture is flexible and resilient and has changed without being
destroyed. Today, Nigerian culture is a colorful blend of African, European,
and Arabic traditions. Although the traditional methods of engagement and
marriage are fading out, the Yorubas put a native twist on every tradition they
adopt, and their heritage continues to influence the cultures that influence
it.
Yoruba Naming Ceremony Titilayo
Introduction
The following pages are dedicated to
giving an in-depth explanation of the Yoruba naming ceremony ranging from the
role played by the elder conducting the ceremony to the meaning and purpose for
naming a child. By knowing and understanding all that is incorporated into the
ceremony, a person will have a clearer view of how intertwined Yoruba names are
with the culture. Following the naming
ceremony there will be a few notes given about the linguistic applications of Yoruba
names. Linguistically, the names can be studied for language learning purposes
(word order and vocabulary). More importantly, by studying the
meanings and structure of the names, a person can gain some knowledge of the
basic applications of the Yoruba language and important traditional beliefs of
the culture. Finally, the paper will conclude with regards to some modern day
influences and effects surrounding the choice of a name and the traditional
applications of the Yoruba Naming ceremony.
Yoruba Naming
Ceremony
The naming ceremony is an important
affair among the Yorubas. It is an
ancient practice that holds many purposes such as giving a child its name,
welcoming the child into the community, congratulating the parents for such a
happy and fortunate time (a divine blessing acknowledged), and making
predictions for the child’s future (Chuks-orji 1972, p. 75-76). Before the
ceremony can begin the family must first select the correct and appropriate
name for the child. The name will either be an amutorunwa name (a name ‘brought from the other world (heaven)’: mu...wa ‘bring’ ti ‘from’ orun ‘
heaven/other world’) or an abiso
(‘given at birth’) a name which reflects the circumstances surrounding a
child’s birth, usually pertaining to the family but can also refer to natural phenomena
occurring around the time of the child’s birth (Rowlands 1996, p.
216-217).
After the child’s name has been
selected by either the parents or older relatives it will not be announced
until the day of the naming ceremony which is called ikomojade (‘brought out’ -
ko...jade) (p. 217). Traditionally, for boys, the naming ceremony will take
place on the ninth day after the birth, the seventh day for a female, twins of
both sexes on the eighth day, and Moslem children of either sex are invariably
named on the eighth day (Johnson 1969, 79). If the child is not named within
seven to nine days after birth then it is believed that the child will not
outlive it’s parent of the same sex. Nowadays, the practice is to have the
naming ceremony on the eighth day, irrespective of gender, number of children
or religious beliefs of the parent.
The naming ceremony usually begins
in the early morning or early afternoon (Chuks-orji 79). The ceremony may take place inside or outside
of the child’s home. Traditionally, it occurs out of doors, so that the bare
feet of the child may be placed on the ground - “his/her first steps guided in
the right direction” (W1). The ceremony
will mark the first time the child leaves the home. This also will be the first
day that the mother has left the home since delivery. Others present during the
ceremony range from relatives to any member of the community that takes
interest in welcoming the child. Each person will bring a gift (clothing,
money, blankets, etc.) for either the child or the parents. Only women give
gifts to the mother and men give gifts to the father. If the ceremony takes
place inside, the guests will leave their gifts at the door upon arrival
(Chuks-orji 79).
After about an hour after the guests
have arrived the Iya Ikoko (‘mother of newborn’) emerges with her child
and hands the Ikoko / Omo tuntun
(‘newborn child’) to the chosen elder who will officiate throughout the
ceremony. The role of the elder officiating holds a special, symbolic, and
traditional importance. Within Yoruba culture, the elderly are considered to be
the ones most closely related to the very young ‘since the infant is seen as
but recently returned from where the aged is preparing to go’ (Chuks-orji
p.77). Because of this special bond it
seems most appropriate for the elder to be the first to guide the child.
The rituals of the ceremony begin
when a jug of water is tossed up onto the roof (traditional homes are
low-roofed) so that the child being held under the eaves will catch the falling
sprays of water (Johnson p.79). Inside the home the water is sprinkled towards
the ceiling. If the child cries when it is touched by the falling drops this is
considered as a good sign for it is believed this is an indication that the
child has come to stay, “since only living things can produce noise of their
own accord” (Chuks-orji 79).
The water is the first of many
ceremonial items to be introduced to the child. The Yoruba people generally
believe that “when they present certain materials to the child at the beginning
of his life, he/she will make positive use and not negative use of them when he
becomes an adult” (W2). Water is used because it is very important to people.
It’s use in the ceremony reflects the importance of the child to his/her family
(W2). After the child is sprinkled with water the elder whispers the child’s
new name into its ear. Next, the elder dips his finger into the water and upon
touching the child’s forehead he announces the new name to everyone present
(Chuks-orji 79). The elder then turns to seven specially filled vessels. Within
these vessels each ingredient constitutes a unique symbol in the ontological
world of the Yorubas into which the child is being initiated (Madubuike 1976,
86).
The first vessel consists of red pepper
of which the elder gives a small taste to the child. The pepper symbolizes that
the child will be resolute and have command over the forces of nature. The
pepper is then passed around for the entire assemblage to taste. After the
pepper, the child tastes water, signifying purity of body and spirit (freedom
from disease). Next, the elder offers a taste of salt which symbolizes the
flavor of wisdom and intelligence of which it is wished that the child is
divinely fed (Chuks-orji 80). Another view of the salt’s importance leans
toward the importance of salt to any food for its palatability. This is used to
correspond to the child’s generally perceived importance to the community.
“When any person is said to be as salt to his people, it means he brings joy,
happiness, and even sweetness where there is bitterness “ (W2). Following the
salt, comes palm oil which is touched to the child’s lips, a wish for power and
health like that of royalty. The child then tastes honey signifying for the
child to be as sweet as honey to his/her community, to have happiness, and,
most importantly, for him/her not to be ostracized by his/her people when the
child has grown to adulthood (W2). After
honey, liquor or wine flavors the child’s lips for all the wealth and prosperity
that the child will have.
Finally, the child is given a taste
of kola nut, symbolic of a wish for the child’s good fortune (Chuks-orji p.80).
The parents, particularly the father, may add materials to the ceremony after
the seven basic ingredients have been introduced to the child. Extra materials
may include objects that symbolize the clan deity of the family. For example:
“Ogun,” god of iron; the parent may require that a knife or sword be used in
the ceremony (W2). After the final item has been passed around to all guests
the ritual is complete and the festivities begin. Feasting (brief ceremonial
food list provided after this report), dancing, and rejoicing will last into
the early hours of the next day.
During the festivities, sometimes
musicians sing songs and praise the child, it’s parents, and relatives, and
friends. This is a tradition best performed by Ewi poets who are known for
the “richness of their word, the artistry of their use of idioms and proverbs,
and their deep knowledge of the Yoruba language.” (W3). By singing (proverbial)
praises to those at the naming ceremony the Ewi helps to celebrate the arrival of the child
into the family and to embrace it into the arms of the community. An example of an Ewi poem for a naming ceremony can
be found at the end of this paper
After the naming ceremony the child
has at least three different names which will guide the child through life. The
first is the oruko (‘personal’) name which is either an amutorunwa (brought from heaven) name or
an abiso name.
Secondly, there is the oriki (‘praise name’) which expresses what the
child is or what is hoped he or she will become. Thirdly, the child has his/her
oriki orile which is a name indicative of the child’s
kinship group’s name (Chuks-orji 80). The following paragraphs give a brief
overview of the three name types just mentioned. It is recommended that one
takes note of how the meanings of the names are created internally and to see
how the names tie in with cultural labeling of people and their traditional
beliefs and practices. Yoruba names tell stories. If one knows enough of the stories then one
may begin to understand the Yoruba background and perspective.
The choice of an oruko name depends on many factors such as time of
day, a specific day, or a special circumstance relating to the child, parents,
extended family, or the whole community which attends the child’s birth. The amutorunwa is applied to all children born under like
circumstances. The most important of these is that of twin (ibeji) birth. The name of the first born
of twins will always be Taiwo (To-aiye-wo ‘have the first taste of the world’). The
second born will be Kehinde (‘he who
lags behind’).
The child born after twins, female
or male, will be named Idowu. Most Idowus are considered stubborn and heady and if
they do not arrive after a mother’s twins there is a superstition that the
mother may go mad; the wild and stubborn Idowu
, ‘flying into her head’ will render her insane. The next to twins in
importance of Amutorunwa names is the child called Oni (‘today’) which from its birth cries
incessantly day and night. After Oni the next child will always be named Ola (‘tomorrow’) and the next will be Otunla (‘day after tomorrow’). Within
the Isin people the names are taken up to the eighth born called Ijoni. Other Amutorunwa names: Ige is a child born feet first...Abiose
is born on a holy day...Dada is a child born with curly hair...Abiodun
is born at the new year or during any annual festival...Johojo is a child whose mother died at
it’s birth...(Johnson 1969, p. 80-81).
If
the child is not born with a ‘brought from heaven’ name then the family will
decide the child’s abiso name.
There is a proverb which says ile
l’a nwa k’a to so omo l’oruko ‘we
always look at the household before we give a child a name, and in fact, “the abiso names reflect the circumstances or
feelings of the family. `They may also refer to the particular cult which a
family practices (Rowlands 217). The
abiso will always go unknown until the
naming ceremony. This name is very important because throughout it’s life, the
child’s behavior will reflect the name given. Commonly, chosen abiso
names make reference to the child directly and indirectly to the family
(Ayodele ‘joy enter the house,’ Omoteji ‘a child big enough for two), or refer directly to family
and indirectly to the child (Iyapo
‘many trials,’ Ogundalenu ‘our home
has been devastated by war,’) or they may reflect the deity worshipped in the
family (Sangobunmi ‘Sango (god of thunder and lightning) gave me
this,’ Fafunke ‘Ifa gave me this to
pet’ (Johnson 82-83).
Also, under the oruko name a special category of names emerges with the abiku
(‘born to die’) children. These children are believed to belong to a
group of demons that commonly reside in the woods around Iroko trees. Before they
come into the world they already have chosen the time when they will return
back to the other demons. The demons are connected with women who lose several
children in infancy, especially after a short period of illness. Special names are given to these children in
hopes that they will not leave upon their pre-arranged dates. This superstition
attempts to explain the high rate of infant mortality of the people. The abiku names range in meaning, attempts
to persuade the children to stay and not to be taken away from unseen forces.
Examples: Malomo ‘do not go again’...Oku ‘the dead’...Tiju-iku‘
be ashamed to die’...Duro-ori-ike ‘wait and see how you will be petted’
(Johnson 85-86).
The oriki is an attributive
praise name. “It is intended to have a stimulating effect on the child” (85).
Male names usually reflect something heroic, strong, and brave while female
names often seem to be terms of endearment, affection, and praise.
Males: Ajamu : ‘one
you fight/struggle to choose/select/pick’
Ajani ‘one
you fight/struggle to have/own/possess.’
Females: Ayoka
‘one who causes joy all
around,’
Apinke ‘one
to be jointly pampered or petted.’
Only elders can address children
with oriki names (one will be
addressed by his Oriki only by someone older or except in cases where the
younger person is singing the praise of the older person at a ceremony and so
on). Finally, there is the oruko orile
‘the name reflecting family origin.’ It is very important when trying to trace
a family or lineage line. Children of both sexes usually take on their father’s
orile or totem name. The orile names are said to be descended
from objects or animals that represent a family lineage (Erin ‘elephant’ ...connected to the original line of the kings
(Johnson 86).
By gaining a deep working knowledge
of varying oruko, oriki, and oruko orile,
a foreigner among the Yorubas would have a very good starting vocabulary of the
culture’s language. Throughout time, culture and language have traveled in
parallel paths. With Yoruba, the two seem to embrace one another. Because the
two seem to intertwine, it is not surprising to see and hear people always
praising and singing names. It is as though they are at the same time singing
in praise of their culture and it’s ancestors. In the English speaking
societies people usually have little or no meaningful significance to their
names. Their names usually cannot reveal hints into the particular person’s
personality or behavior. This seemingly reflects more of a separation between
language functions, incorporating names, and culture. English seems to wave from a distance while Yoruba
seeks to fill the space in between. The revealing code to such a nice
language/culture combination emerges from the linguistic make-up of Yoruba
names. It uses the vocabulary of the language to combine and create names.
These combinations can range from
the basic Noun-Noun combination (Ife-Olu=Ifeolu
‘the love of God.’) to simple sentences (Ore-d’ola=Oredola
‘friendship becomes an honor’)/(Akin-ni-a-bi=Akinlabi
‘it is a brave man that we have given birth to’). Due to these existing name
structures and meanings, a person is given a view into Yoruba culture
and vice versa. Modupe Oduyoye wrote in his book, Yoruba Names, that by
teaching non-native speakers the Yoruba language through the studying of Yoruba
names, the speakers would obtain multiple opportunities to learn about Yoruba
culture, grammar, and, also, to practice utterances and speech. Yoruba names,
whether phrases or complete sentences, are written as single words. “The names, therefore, mirror exactly the
stream of utterance situation” (Oduyoye 1972:3). For example, instead of Olu re mi l’ekun written as
a sentence it would appear written as Oluremilekun
(God has consoled me) as a name “which gives a better guide for pronunciation
and for conversation.” Oduyoye believes that since one does not pause after
each word of speech, one should learn utterances, not isolated words (p. 4).
Oduyoye’s linguistic view of names
divides into two parts: structural classification and cultural classification.
Structurally, Yoruba names cover many grammatical grounds. For example, the use
of compound verbs and splitting verbs (ko...de ‘to collect...to arrive’), Ko re de = Korede ‘gather good things
in,’ Ko ayo de = Kayode ‘bring joy in.’ Now, imagine, if one knew how to use this
grammatical structure and all the others that were needed to create names and
had a medium sized vocabulary, one would be able to converse at possibly an
intermediate level and have a nice open door glimpse into important cultural
aspects reflected in words used when creating names.
Another interesting grammatical
structure is that of the noun forming prefixes, low-tone/à/ and mid-tone/a/.
The low tone prefix forms abstract nouns from verbs or verb phrases. It can
mean “à- thing which...” or “ a- person whom...”
1. Àbike
(A bi ke ) ‘someone born to be
petted or pampered'
2. Àjani (A ja ni) ‘someone possessed through struggle.’
The mid-tone prefix /a/ means ‘the
person who...’
1. Aboderin (a b’ode rin) ‘one who walks with a hunter’
2. Akerele (A kere le
) ‘one who in spite
of being small is strong and tough.’
With basic grammar structures and a
seemingly endless vocabulary, families can create names that are distinct and
truly, meaningfully unique: (Modupe (Mo
dupe) ‘I give thanks’...Morohunmubo
(mo ri ohun mu bo ) ‘I found something to bring back’...Kokumo (Ko ku mo) ‘he no longer dies...Kotoye
(ko to I ye) ‘it is not enough to ...’ (Oduyoye 1-60).
'Oruko
n ro o' refers to one’s name having
a psychological effect on one’s behavior. This saying reiterates the important
emphasis upon choosing the correct name among the Yoruba people. It is a solemn
undertaking ‘for the name one gives to one’s child is the name the world will
call him throughout life.” (p. 67). All aspects of life which the Yoruba people
consider of high importance will be reflected in the names: religion (Olu
se ye= Oluseye ‘ God wrought a thing of dignity’...Esu bi eyi= Esubiyii ‘Esu
gave birth to this one’), the humanities [music (Ayandele ‘the drummer reaches home’) and art (Onafeka ‘art needs learning’), protection and strength of home (Odebiyii ‘ a hunter gave birth to this
one’...Akinluyii ‘ valor is dignity’)
, birth, death, nature, and high status levels (Oba fe mi = Obafemi ‘the
king loves me’ ] (Oduyoye 60-86).
Today, Yoruba names can be found
with strong Christian and Muslim influences. Ever since colonizations, many
have begun to adopt more Christian-like names such as Samuel or Joseph so as to
conform with western ways. Modern
conditions of having people’s names registered for all types of purposes such
as birth registrations, marriages, deaths, voting lists, school lists, etc. all
have caused most Yorubas to adopt a West European system with surnames and a
limited number of forenames occurring in a fixed order (Rowlands 216-128). Some
may use the order of Christian name and then oruko for surname. Others
may structure themselves with the oruko
orile and then the father’s oruko. Such modern combinations,
unfortunately, make tracing one’s ancestral background difficult if not
impossible.
In conclusion, naming ceremonies may
shrink with guest size and new symbolic western materials may be added but it
seems that the naming ceremony is too imbedded into the society by it’s
language and culture for it to be forgotten and left out. The naming ceremony
welcomes, connects, and reminds a person that all Yoruba names are each unique
personal stories that reflect not only one person but the family, community,
and culture as a whole: past and present. Culturally and linguistically, names
thrive within the Yoruba culture, always reconnecting the old with the new so
as to know one’s origins of the past, to gain understanding of the present, and
to have guidance into the future.
(Excerpt from a ) Yoruba Naming Ceremony Ewi Poem by Abiodun Adepoju
OLOMO LO LAIYE To
have a child, is to have joy in life.
OMO TII TOJU ARA A
child who takes care of the family,
TII TOJU ILE that
takes care of the home,
TII TOJU BABA that takes care of the father.
FUN WA LOMO ATATA Give
us a precious child,
TII MUNU IYA DUN. that
makes the mother happy.
OMO TITUN TO WAS SILE
AIYE The baby is newly arrived.
OBI AORE ATOJULOMO Parents, friends & family,
you are all
EMA JU ALEJO OMO TITUN
commended
for the baby;
OROGBO LO NI KOO GBO
SAIYE May the baby have a long life.
KOO GBO PELU DERA. A long life in comfort
OMO OWO KII KU LOJU
OWO The child of the hand does not
die while the hand looks on.
BEE NI OMO ESE KII KU
LOJU ESE The
child of the leg does not die while the leg looks on
OMO WA O NII KU Our
baby shall not die.
Twins in Yoruba Society Oluseyi
Introduction
“Twins in Yoruba Society” is a paper
about the history of twins in Nigeria, but more specifically, Yorubaland. The paper begins with the story of the first
twins among the Yoruba, which influences the way twins are viewed today. It
concentrates on practices in the past of, within certain areas, of killing
twins at birth. It also looks at how twins are treated in the Yoruba society
today. It discusses the names assigned to twins and the children born after
twins. Then it concludes by talking about the ceremony for twins when they are
born.
Twins in
Yoruba Society
The birth of twins has always been a
fascinating phenomena among humans. In the past, twins have been killed or
praised simply because of this phenomena. The Yoruba culture has an interesting
history relating to twins. In this society twins have their own orisa.
They are often associated with monkeys because of the story of the first
twins. Since Yoruba names have significant meaning behind them it is only
natural for twins to have specific names as well as the children born after
twins.
Ibeji
is the orisha of the “twin-gods.” The name comes fromibi meaning “birth” and eji
meaning “two” (Farrow, 1926: 58).
Ibeji is also the deity of all twins. There is a
black species of monkey that dwells in mangrove bushes and is very agile. This
monkey is sacred to Ibeji , although
it is not an orisa, it may have offerings of fruit given to it (Farrow, 1926).
This monkey is named Edun Dudu meaning “black twin.” A shrine to Ibeji was built at a place
called Erupo, between Lagos and Badagry. All twins and parents of twins are
supposed to visit the temple at least once.
There is a very interesting story of
how twins came among the Yoruba people. The story begins in ancient times in
the town of Isokun, which later became a part of Oyo:
“There was a farmer who was known
everywhere as a hunter of monkeys. Because his fields produced good crops,
monkeys came from the bush and fed there. The monkeys became a pestilence to
the farmer. He tried to drive them away. But they came, they went, they
returned again to feed. The farmer could not leave his fields unguarded. He and
his sons took turns watching over the fields. Still the monkeys came and had to
be driven away with stones and arrows. Because of his desperation and anger the
farmer went everywhere to kill the monkeys.
He hunted them in the fields, he hunted them in the bush, he hunted them
in the forest, hoping to end the depredations on his farm. But the monkeys refused to depart from the
region, and they continued their forays on the farmer’s crops. They even
devised ways of distracting the farmer and his sons. A few of them would appear
at a certain place to attract attention. While the farmer and his sons
attempted to drive them off, other monkeys went into fields to feed on
corn. The monkeys also resorted to juju.
They made the rain fall so that whoever was guarding the fields would go home,
thinking ‘surely the crops will be safe in such weather.’ But the monkeys fed while the rain fell. When
the farmer discovered this he built a shelter in the fields, and there he or one
of his sons stood guard even when water poured from the sky. In this contest
many monkeys were killed, yet those that survived persisted. The farmer had
several wives. After one of them became pregnant, an adahunse, or seer, of the town of Isokun came to the farmer to warn
him. He said, ‘There is danger and misfortune ahead because of your continual
killing of the monkeys. They are wise in many things. They have great powers.
They can cause an abiku (born to
die-after birth) child to enter your wife’s womb. He will be born, stay a
while, and then die. He will be born again and die again. Each time your wife
becomes pregnant he will be there in her womb, and each time he is born he will
stay a while and then depart. This way you will be tormented to the end. The monkeys are capable of sending you an abiku. Therefore do not drive them away
anymore. Cease hunting them in the bush. Let them come and feed.’
The farmer listened, but he was not
persuaded by what the adahunse had told him. He went on guarding his fields and
hunting monkeys in the bush. The monkeys discussed ways of retaliating for
their sufferings. They decided that they would send two abikus to the farmer.
Two monkeys transformed themselves into abikus and entered the womb of the
farmer’s pregnant wife. There they waited until the proper time. They emerged,
first one then the other. They were the original twins to come among the
Yorubas. They attracted much attention.
Some people said, ‘what good fortune.’ Others said, ‘It is a bad
omen. Only monkeys give birth to twins.’
As the twins were abikus they did not
remain long among the living. They died and returned to reside among those not
yet born. Time passed. Again the woman became pregnant. Again two children were
born instead of one. They lived on briefly and again they departed. This is the
way it went on. Each time the woman bore children they were ibeji, that is to
say, twins. And they were also abikus
who lived on a while and died.
The farmer became desperate over his
succession of misfortunes. He went to consult a diviner at a distant place to
discover the reason for his children’s constantly dying. The diviner cast his
palm nuts and read them. He said, ‘Your troubles come from the monkeys whom you
have been harassing in your fields and in the bush. It is they who sent twin
abikus into your wife’s womb in retaliation for their suffering. Bring your
killing of the monkeys to an end. Let them eat in your fields. Perhaps they will relent.’ The farmer
returned to Isokun. He no longer drove
the monkeys from his fields, but allowed them to come and go as they pleased.
He no longer hunted them in the bush. In time his wife again gave birth to
twins. They did not die. They lived on.
But still the farmer did not know for certain whether things had changed, and
he went again to the diviner for knowledge.
The diviner cast his palm nuts and extracted their meaning. He said, ‘This time the twins are not abikus.
The monkeys have relented. The children
will not die and return, die and return. But twins are not ordinary people.
They have great power to reward or punish other humans. Their protector is the orisa Ibeji. If a person abuses or neglects a twin, the
orisa Ibeji will strike such a person with disease or poverty. He who treats the twins well will be rewarded
with good fortune.’ The twins are pleased with life, good luck and prosperity
will come to their parents. Therefore,
do everything to make them happy in this world.
Whatever they want, give it to them.
Whatever they say to do, do it. Make sacrifices to the orisa Ibeji.
Because twins were sent into the world by the monkeys, monkeys are sacred to
them. Neither twins nor their families may eat the flesh of monkeys. This is what the palm nuts tell us.’ When the
farmer returned to Isokun after consulting
the diviner he told his wife what he had learned. Whatever the twins asked for,
the parents gave it. If they said they wanted sweets they were given sweets. If
they said to their mother, ‘Go to the marketplace and beg alms for us,’ the
mother carried them to the marketplace and begged alms. If they said, ‘dance with us,’ she carried
them in her arms and danced. They all lived on. The farmer’s other wives also
gave birth to twins. Prosperity came to the farmer of Isokun and his family. He
was fortunate in every way.” (Courlander,
1973: pp.137-141)
Due to their
origin, twins are often referred to as edun
meaning “monkey.” The first born of a set of twins is
considered the younger one. This one is
named Taiwo meaning “come to taste life.” The second born is the older of the two and
receives the nameKehinde meaning “come last.” It is said that Kehinde always sends Taiwo ahead to find out if life is worth
living. Twins also influence the
children born after them. The first child born after twins is given the name Idowu, whether it is male or female
(Johnson, 1921). This child is considered heady and stubborn. Superstition says that a mother who has twins
and fails to have an Idowu may likely go mad (Johnson, 1921). It is
believed that the wild and stubborn Idowu
flying into her head will drive her
insane. The child born after Idowu is
named Idogbe if male and Alaba if female (Johnson,
1921).
There is probably some evidence that
twins have not been treated favorably everywhere in Yorubaland and
In Ijebuland twins are regarded as a
special gift of the gods and the personification of the orisa, Ibeji (Oladele, 1980). Every fifth or sixth day
offerings of beans, bean cakes, corn pudding, and sugar-cane are made to them
(Oladele, 1980). Small, wooden statues ofIbeji
are made for twins. If one twin dies
the Ibeji
figure is treated exactly the same as the surviving twin. This
statue is given food, clothing, beads, bracelets, and even laid upon the mother
to be breastfed (Bascom, 1969).
It is a common belief throughout
Yorubaland that twins are difficult children who demand constant attention and
have eccentric taste (Oladele ,1980). A ceremony is held when twins are born
which is considered an initiation into their lives. This ceremony is devised so
that they may have an “easy and prosperous passage through the world” (Oladele,
1980:103). This ceremony is lively with many songs and dances praising the
twins. One important song in the initiation is the praise-song of twins. This
song is used throughout the lifetime of twins and any mother of twins knows it
by heart (Oladele, 1980).
The two children who follow twins
are also regarded as priviledged and therefore have praise-songs as well. These
songs used in the initiation ceremony are also used for ritual and social
purposes. They celebrate the importance
of twins and the hope for prosperity connected with them. Aside from the names
assigned to twins there are several other things associated with them. Beans and palm-oil are considered to be the
staple food of twins (Oladele, 1980). They are also associated to monkeys,
dating back to the story of the monkeys and the farmer. It is often believed
that twins are the transformation of these creatures that displace the fetus of
children (Dennett, 1968). For this reason it is considered taboo for twins or
the parents of twins to kill or eat any type of monkey.
The history of twins in
The Historical Economic Structure of Yorubaland
Adeleke
Introduction
The focus of this paper is the economic development
of the Yorubaland. The paper begins with a discussion of the agricultural
development as well as the agricultural state of Yorubaland. This includes such
topics as the shift from small Yoruba farms to cash crop production. Likewise,
with the growth of crash crops, questions of land tenure had to be addressed,
in relation to economic growth. Such topics discussed are the distinctions
between rights of membership to land, family rights, and kingdom rights. Then,
the focus of the paper switches to another sector of economic growth of the
Yorubas, namely trade and marketing, showing the importance of women in such
sectors. Lastly, the paper concludes with a discussion of present-day craft
production, with a focus on how traditional family craft vocations have left
their markers on present-day economic production.
Economic
Structure in Yorubaland
In Yorubaland, the major forms of
economic opportunities developed as a result of the interaction of a number of
major factors: the distribution of population and natural resources, the
location of cash crops, the development of the transport system, the growth of
education, and the economic policy of successive governments. However, among
the plethora of factors, the growth of the cash-crop economy superseded all. In
the19th century, the growth of the trade in palm oil led to a “reorganization
of production in the interior and the development of slave estates owned by the
powerful war-chiefs” (Eades, pg. 65). In addition, such a reorganization meant
the development of a Saro trading
elite in
The growth in industry brought new
patterns of migration. The farmers in Ile Ife who had adopted cocoa before 1939
were joined in the following decade by Egba and
Agriculture
The majority of Yoruba farms are small,
and the size is limited by the available labor and the level of technology. The
main farm tools are the hoe and the cutlass or bushknife, and “manpower is
usually the only energy input” (Eades pg. 69). Mechanization is difficult
because of the small size of plots and the pattern of shifting cultivation”
(Eades, pg. 69). The use of fertilizers is restricted to the cultivation of
cash-crops like cocoa and tobacco. Farm land fertility was traditionally
maintained by a long period of “fallow after only two or three years’
cultivation, though in many areas this has been modified because of increasing
pressure on land” (Eades, pg. 69).
In
Yoruba culture, the method of reckoning farm size is not in terms of area, but
rather, in terms of “heaps,” the mounds of earth prepared for the cultivation
of yams and other food crops. The number of heaps is often reckoned in multiples
of 200, or about 1/15th or 1/20th of an acre. In Ibarapa, most farms consist of
10-20 plots, usually adjacent or in 3-4 separate groups. A plot of 8-10 units
of 200 heaps is considered large. Labor units per plot is typically small. Most
adult men farm independently with help from their wives and children, though it
is not uncommon for them to hire laborers when necessary. It used to be common,
particularly in Ekiti, for there to exist patrilineal group farming, in which
all the men in a lineage worked together under the direction of the oldest
man. However, such an arrangement has
all but vanished. In addition, there used to be farm arrangements called “aro” and “owe.”
“Aro”
consisted of “groups of kin or age-group members who helped each other on a
rotational basis, especially to clear new land in the dry season or to help
with weeding during the rains” (Eades, pg. 70). “Owe” groups were larger,
involving a hundred or more “agnates and affines, who worked in return for
food, palm wine, and kola” (Eades, pg. 70). With the recent growth in
education, it has become difficult for farms to retain the labor of their
children on the farm, forcing farmers to rely more on hired labor. It was
estimated that in 1956, 40 percent or more of the labor on cocoa farms were
hired.
However, today, a large numbers of
laborers come from other parts of the country, particularly from the
Niger-Benue area and Igbo areas. Hired laborers work either on an annual basis,
in return for food, lodgings, and a lump sum at the end of the season, or on a
monthly or daily rates, or on a piece-work basis. The majority of farmers who
require regular help prefer to hire workers on an annual basis, since the rate
of hire is much lower. In the savannah regions, however, hired labor has become
less important, though “some of the wealthier Igbeti farmers did use hired
labor to expand their food-crop production for the market” (Eades, pg. 70).
The major food crops of the Yoruba
farmer are yams, maize, cassava, beans, cocoyam, and guineacorn. Rice
cultivation, however, has been spreading to areas such as Egba, while plantain
and bananas are important in the forest areas. Yams are the major crop in
Cash Crops
As previously stated, several of the
lands that were traditionally used for the major food crops of the Yoruba
people have been replaced by cash crops. As Eades states: “In one sense the
distinction between food crops and cash crops is irrelevant in the Yoruba case,
as most of the farmers dispose of at least some of their crops on the market.
In Igbeti, where land is plentiful, those who could afford it were expanding
their yam production for the market using hired labor. In some northern areas,
tobacco production for the cigarette companies has spread rapidly in the last
twenty years, mainly because of the very successful extension work by the
Nigerian Tobacco Company.” Cotton is
grown in many areas, mainly for local use, but the two major cash crops, cocoa
and kolanut, are only produced in the forest areas. (Eades, pg. 72).
The cash crop kolanut (Obì), grown entirely for the Nigerian
market, is bought by Hausa buyers, located in Yoruba towns and villages, for
sale in the northern states of the country (Cohen, pg. 122). There are two
varieties of kola grown in Yorubaland, “nitida” known in Yoruba as “abata,” and “acuminata,” known by the
Yoruba as “gbanja.” Abata is indigenous to the area, but gbanja
is the main variety that is exported. Before the colonial period, most of the
gbanja kola sold in northern Nigerian came from southern
In
addition to kola,
Lastly, the third major cash crop of
Yorubaland is cocoa. The cocoa industry first developed in the western areas:
Ilaro, Agege, and
Land tenure in
Yorubaland
The question of land tenure in Yorubaland
is of great complexity and often quite ambiguous. Before the question of land
tenure can be addressed, one must first make the distinction between the right
to use land and full ownership, “particularly the right to alienate it” (Eades, pg. 73)
Throughout Yorubaland, the two may not necessarily coincide. Second of
all, as land becomes more valuable, “either because of its increasing valua due
to scarcity or its potential for cash crops, conflict over access to, and
control of, land will increase, and an increasing quantum of rights will be
asserted over it” (Eades, pg. 73).
Lloyd remarks of Ondo land tenure,
“while land has little scarcity or commercial value, it will be described as
communal: but as soon as it becomes valuable, the descent groups currently
using it will begin to claim rights amounting to full ownership” (Llyod,
pg.131). In different areas of Yorubaland, ownership of land is thought of as
being “vested in the ruler on behalf his community, as being vested in descent
groups, or as being vested in individuals” (Eades, pg. 73). Third of all, a sharp distinction has to be
made between the rights that a member of a kingdom can have on its land and the
rights which can be acquired by an outsider. In general, outsiders can become
tenants, but cannot claim rights of ownership over land, and as the scarcity of
land increases, the more rigidly this rule applies.
As Eades notes, descent group control
over land is the norm. This is the
pattern one finds in
The major alternative to obtaining land
from one’s own descent group in many areas is to “beg” it (toro) from another
group, often in return for gifts (isaigi) and annual payment of “isakole.” Likewise, one can access land
through sharecropping. This method has become increasingly common as owners of
cocoa farms are unable or unwilling to manage the farms themselves. The owner
often provides the seed, chemicals, and accommodations, and that proceeds of
the crop are split between the sharecropper and the owner. IN some areas,
“farm-owners are commuting a third of the crop into a cash payment in advance -
a system which assures them of regular income, reduces their responsibilities
and provides the sharecropper with greater incentive to raise productivity”
(Berry, pg. 131).
Lastly,
in a final note on Yoruba land-tenure practices, such land-tenure patterns have
increasing political implications. First of all, such practices encourage the
attachment of individuals to their home towns. Secondly, they make it difficult
for strangers or outsiders to become easily assimilated in the areas in which
they have settled. As Eades notes, “Yoruba migrants and their descendants in
the cocoa belt tend to remain ‘strangers’ (àlejò)
if they come from another kingdom, even when they speak the same dialect of
Yoruba” (Eades, pg. 76). For example,
the Modakeke in Ile Ife are still considered “alejo” despite the fact that they
have been there for a century or more. (
Trade and
Marketing
The Yoruba have the known reputation for
their skill in trade, both throughout
As well as daily markets, there were the
periodic markets which served wider areas. Trade was an important issue in international
relations. “Some towns were termini on the long-distance trade routes that
linked the Yoruba kingdoms with the Akan to the west, and the Bariba, Hausa,
and Nupe to the north” (Eades, pg. 80). Trade on these routes was
well-organized, roads often being wide and well-maintained, and caravanseries
were established outside the main towns. “Trade and tolls provided a major
source of revenue for the political authorities along the route” (Mabogunje,
1968: pg. 79-90).
Some features of the traditional
marketing system have survived to the present. “Daily markets in the towns and
periodic markets in the ruraL areas are still the basis of the distributive
system” (Hodder, 1969: pg. 121). The
pattern of long-distance trade in the 19th century “has given way to a Yoruba
diaspora in the 20th” (Eades, pg. 81).
Yoruba traders have settled in large numbers throughout
There are also some specialized urban
periodic markets like Oje in
Marketing of this type is very
labor-intensive. The goods involved are of two main types: manufactured goods
moving outwards from the major urban centers, and farm produce moving in the
other direction. Manufactured goods mostly originate from the large expatriate
and Lebanese firms in
Craft
Production
Many Yoruba occupations were
traditionally organized within particular compounds or descent groups,
including weaving, smithing, woodcarving, leatherwork, drumming and medicine.
Many of these specializations persist. In Igbeti, the best drummers in the town
still come from Ile Onilu or Ayan, and facial scars are still made by members
of Ile Olola. These occupations are mainly confined to men, but others, such as
pottery, indigo-dyeing, and weaving on the uptight loom, are carried on only by
women. Some of the crafts have survived better than others. There are still
Yoruba carvers who produce work of exceptional quality in response to modern
commissions (Carroll, 1967), but the craft has declined along with the
traditional religion for which most carvings are made. Some palace crafts like
leatherwork or calabash-carving in Oyo have been reorganized around tourism.
Pottery has survived competition from imported enamel ware and locally cast
aluminium, and is still made in large quantities in Ilorin. However, the craft
which has perhaps adapted best to the changing conditions is weaving (Bray,
1968).
As with farming and trading, many
children help their parents in the crafts and have mastered the skills by the
age of 16. Parents were traditionally expected to set up their children in the
occupation and provide them with the necessary tools. Until later in the
child's adulthood (by marriage), the parents could keep the profits from their
children’s work, but the child could keep the income from work done in his
spare time on his own account. The head of the craft in a town was normally the
“Baale” of one of the compounds involved in it. Members of the main crafts held
regular meetings to discuss prices, sort out disputes and share information on
techniques and markets. Taxes were paid to the political authorities in craft
goods. (Eades, pg. 85).
Present day, the categories of craftsmen
and traders shade off into those of transport-owner, small-scale industrialist,
and building contractor. Among the most popular enterprises are saw-milling,
baking, and printing. Nearly all towns have at least one printer, printing such
things as visitor cards and the such. A town the size of Igbeti can support
three small bakeries, each with three employees, and each producing about 200
loaves a day. Lastly, there is a small group of very wealthy Yoruba
industrialists, though in general the Nigerian industrial scene is dominated by
government and expatriate capital.
Yoruba Traditional Medicine Kehinde
Traditional Yoruba medicine and
healing practices are not as easily defined as “Medicine” is in the West, thus some
introductory information must first be presented about the Yoruba people and
their beliefs.
Yoruba History
The Yoruba people occupy the Southwestern area of Nigeria in what is
known as Yorubaland; they live in the western area South and West of the River
Niger. It is commonly believed that the
Yorubas settled in this area after migrating from the northeast around the
second millennium prior to the Christian Era. There are variations on the
origin of the Yoruba people, but it
is generally agreed, and even supported by evidence that they are descended
from Oduduwa, a deified ancestor.
Some evidence suggests that he came from Mecca, while folklore suggests that he
descended from heaven. Either way, he
landed in Ile-Ife.
Traditional
Religion
In addition to the belief in God,
the central elements of traditional Yoruba religious beliefs are orisa (from the words “ori”, meaning ‘the very Source of Being”
and “se” is a verb meaning “to
originate”; thus the Source-Being which gives origin to all Beings” (Oloyoye,
pg.13). This belief existed prior to Christian or Muslim influence in
Yorubaland and it is still prevalent among traditionalists. Examples of orisas include Orunmila, Ogun, Obatala, Sango, Osun, and Sanponna. In some cases such as Sango,
the orisa are deified ancestors. Each orisa has its own cult and is worshipped
by other individuals for many reasons.
Each family lineage has associated orisa. It is claimed that there are as many as 401
different orisas.
These orisa are prayed to, offered sacrifices
and are supplicated, especially in times of distress, illness or misfortune,
however all these things are done so as to appease and please the orisa and so prevent such calamity. Most
Christians or Muslims who claim not to worship orisa, when in times of need, may still petition orisa in reference
to their particular problems.
Traditional believers firmly hold orisas
as part of the Yoruba way of
life. Many Christian and Muslim Yorubas still revere orisa and traditional religion and if they do not actively
participate in worship, they still respect the power of the deities and make
efforts not to displease them.
A few orisa and their precedence
as excerpted from Simpson’s work:
Obatala- represents the idea of ritual and ethical purity
Orunmila- the oracle god
Sango- god
of thunder and lightning
Osun- goddess of fertility and water
Ogun- god of war, the hunt, and all
pursuits in which iron or steel is used
Ifa- god
of divination
Sanponna- god of smallpox
Ibeji- god of twins
Egugun- symbolizes
all dead ancestors
Other Beliefs
The Yorubas also believe in witches and witchcraft. Unlike orisa, witches are human, but it is said
they transform into another form, such as a red-beaked bird, when they are
performing their witchcraft. It is generally believed that most witches are
women and that witchcraft may be passed on from one person to another. Witches are not necessarily evil, and they may
be summoned to good effect.
A variety of ailments and problems
are attributed to the work of witches including death, illness, or loss of a
job. Witches can be supplicated by people to avenge or inflict wrongdoers or
personal enemies, but it seems they have no specific loyalty and may be bought
or appeased through sacrifices or money offerings. It is believed that witches
can hear when someone is talking about them.
Traditional
Medicine
Yoruba traditional
medicine is not based around the western concept of germ theory, rather
ailments can be caused by human forces and supernatural forces, although
sometimes the two forces seem to overlap or interact. Similarly, there are two
classes of illnesses: external and internal. External illnesses could include
obvious problems such as rashes, bruises, broken bones or cuts. Internal troubles
could include afflictions like cancer, hernia, or a difficult pregnancy- in
general mostly chronic persistent ailments or diseases.
External problems are often
attributed to human force(s), while internal problems are attributed to
supernatural forces, although this is not always the case exclusively. For
example, a builder, though skilled with his tools, may crush his hand or cut
his finger. Obviously it is a human source that actually did the damage,
however, why should such an accident occur, especially to an experienced
builder? In cases such as this, it is believed that supernatural forces that
are at work actually caused the accident, making the builder maim himself. Most
Yorubas, (irrespective of education
level or religious faith) are wary of “accidents,” and most of the people are
superstitious to varying degrees.
Traditional
Healers
There are two types of traditional
healers: onisegun and babalawo. Generally, onisegun, an herbalist, is
consulted for less complex, external afflictions, while the babalawo may petition the supernatural
forces, in addition to prescribing herbal concoctions and suggesting other
actions to appease the disturbed spirits. Anyone who believes they are
afflicted by witches, or are being punished by the orisas may consult a babalawo. This “doctor” may serve as intermediary
either in summoning the supernatural forces in question or to discover what
they demand and who is prompting their harmful demands. Appropriate action may
then be taken by the afflicted, upon guidance of the babalawo, including wearing charms, or making sacrifices. The babalawo
uses a system of divination called Ifa.
Ifa
is the practice of divination where the orisa,
Ifa Orunmila, is consulted before any action is taken. The actual divining
is done with the help of sixteen palm nuts from the Awpe-Ifa tree (Ope Ifa)... Every one of these palm nuts represents
sixteen subordinate powers called Odu...
All are associated with parables or traditional stories with which the babalawo is supposed to be acquainted
(Talbot, vol. ii, p.186). There is a total of 256 Odu altogether. Simpson (73)
further explains:
In learning odu Ifa, one starts with opele,
a divination chain to which eight half nuts are fastened. When the opele
is thrown to the ground, one can tell which odu
is indicated by the combination of nut segments that fall “up” (inner side up)
and which fall “down” (inner side down).
The diviner then quotes from the passages in the odu which... are appropriate to the occasion or to the question
that has been asked and gives his interpretation of this odu... An alternate
divination technique involves the use of sixteen palm-nuts. The diviner places
the nuts in the palm of his left hand and grabs at them with his right hand. If
he gets all of them with his right hand, no marks are made in the termite
sawdust on the divination board. If he gets all but one, two marks are made. If
he gets all but two, one mark is made. Then he places the nuts in his right
hand and repeats the procedure with his left hand. (Simpson, p.73)
The first procedure, opele, may be performed daily for less
important matters, but the second, complex procedure may only be performed
every fifth day. Babalawo, meaning
“father of the secret” from “baba o ni
awo” must then interpret and prescribe medicines, charms or actions or a
combination thereof in order to improve the afflicted client’s health or
situation. After the cause is determined
and remedy is decided, the babalawo must
gather the roots, nuts, fruit, leaves, bark, animals or animal parts and
necessary herbs in order create the charms, medicine or ointments. Sometimes an
apprentice will aid in the collection of ingredients, gathering them from the
forest and perhaps sometime buying some components at the market. These
formulae have been committed to memory, and recipes differ from place to place
for any given ailment.
Often incantations, drumming, dancing,
singing or sacrifices accompany the creation of the medicine as it is believed
that some substances will not be potent otherwise. The babalawo entices or calls on the spirits believed to inhabit
everything living (or once living); these spirits are what make the medicine
potent. The babalawo most likely
developed after the onisegun, another
type of healer, when non-magical methods failed. The babalawo is very important and he sometimes hold more power than
does a chief.
Another healer is the Onisegun. He is also a traditional healer, but he does
not deal deeply with the spiritual realm as the babalawo does. The onisegun
is an herbalist who is very knowledgeable about medicinal herbs, plants and
other substances. Generally onisegun
determines the ailment from the patient’s previous medical history and symptoms
rather than using divination. Often the herbalist will belong to an Herbalist’s
association, complete with a certificate, usually indicating some degree of
knowledge and competency, but it does not necessarily indicate any standard
level of education or proficiency.
Traditional Yoruba healing practices, are, like so many other aspects of Yoruba culture, deeply entwined with
traditional Yoruba religion. It is
rather impossible to completely separate spiritual belief from traditional
healing practices, as it is commonly held that witches, orisa and other supernatural entities may be the cause of an
ailment. Because of the influence of western medicine and the introduction of
hospitals, patent drugs, hypodermic injections and “germ theory”- where germs
are the cause of illness rather than spirits, etc.- traditional healing
practices are slowly losing their prominence in Yoruba society, especially
among the young people. Still, whenever
someone falls seriously ill, the onisegun
and the babalawo are called upon.
Slowly, traditional practices are being included in the new western medicinal
ideas in Yorubaland, and the outcome is a hybrid type of healing practice.
Yoruba Religion Titilayo
In Yoruba society, religion is
equally important as politics and kinship. Religion is a part of Yoruba daily
life. Yoruba religion is monotheistic, meaning that a single God (Olodunmare) rules over the universe, with several hundred
lower deities, Orishas, who are
personified aspects of nature gods and ancestral spirits. Even though there are
over a thousand, there are at least four hundread and one recognized Orisas in
the Yoruba pantheon. Some of the most important Orisas are: Ogun, the god of iron and war; Sango, the god of thunder; Obatala, the god of arch divinity of
Yorubaland; Elegba, the god of
crossroads; Yemoja, the goddess of
the oceans and otherhood; Oya, the
goddess of the winds, the whirlwinds, and the gates of the cemetery; and Osun, the
goddess of love and fertility.
Orisas are best understood by
observing the forces of nature they rule over and the endeavors of humanity.
They can be natural phenomena, such as mountains, hills, and rivers. They can
also be recognized through numbers and colors which are their marks. The
devotees to each orisa can usually relate their past to their respective god.
The deities are worshipped either annually or at fixed times.
Olodumare, also known as Olorun, is the central force of the
Yoruba traditional religion. He is said to have established land and given life
and breath. Myths say that Olodumare asked Orisanla's brother, Oduduwa to descend from the sky to
create the first Earth at Ile-Ife. Then, sixteen other orisas came down from
heaven to accomplish the task of creating human beings to live on Earth. All
the Orishas are said to have transcended from Olodunmare.
Ogun is the god of iron and war.
Blacksmiths, warriors, and all who use metal in their profession are said to be
patrons of this orisa. Ogun also
presides over deals and contracts; in fact, in Yoruba courts, devotees of the
faith swear to tell the truth by kissing a piece of iron or a machete that is
sacred to Ogun. The Yoruba consider Ogum fearsome and terrible in his revenge.
A legend that illustrates Ogun's importance tells of the orisas trying to carve
a road through a deep jungle. Ogun was the only one with proper implements for
the task and won the right to be king of the orisa. He did not want the
position though, and it went to Obatala. Ogun is identified by the colors green
and black.
Sango, the god of thunder, rules
over lightning, thunder, fire, drums, and dance. Sango's storms and lightning
being a purifying moral terror with bodlness. He is a hot blooded and
strong-willed orisa with a quick temper and wit. His colors are red and white,
which resembles his virility. One myth about Sango tells of when he ruled as
the fourth king of the ancient Yoruba. He had a charm that could cause
lightning, with which he inadvertently killed his entire family. To be forgiven
for his sins, he hanged himself, and became deified. He tried to exceed his own
limits and thereby destroyed what he cherished most. Sango's devotees regard
him as the embodiment of great creative potential. His dedication to power over
life is evident in his shrines.
Obatala is the god of arch divinity
of Yorubaland. Known as the "King of the White Cloth", Obatala
represents the spiritual unity and interrelationship of all things. He is known
to be the creator of the world and humanities. Obatala is the source of purity,
wisdom, peacefulness, and compassion. Everything on Earth that is pure belongs
to him. As the sculpture-god, Obatala has the responsibility to evolve human
bodies. He is responsible for the normal and abnormal characteristics.
Therefore, the Yorubas say that human deformities are often a result of his
errors. A pregnant woman who speaks negatively of Obatala is likely to have a
defective child. These children are
called Eni Orisa, or the children of
Obatala. His followers appeal to him for children, the avenging of wrongdoing,
and the cure of deformities.
Elegba (Eleggua) is the god of
crossroads, meaning he is the owner of opportunity and the roads and doors into
the world. He is a child-like messenger
between the orisas and human beings. Without his approval, nothing could be
done. He is always honored first before any other orisa because he opens the
doors between the worlds and opens the door for life. He is said to be the force in nature who brings
magic into reality. Devotees give offerings and honor to him on mondays and on
the third day of every month. With his child-like behavior he is known as a
trickster, yet his tricks are simply opportunities to learn lessons. His colors
are red, white, and black which exemplify his contradicting nature.
Yemoja (Yemalla) is the goddess of
the sea, moon, and motherhood. Her name,
a shortened version of Yeye Omo Eja means "Mother Whose Children are the
Fish" reflects the fact that her children are unaccountable. She is said
to be the mother of many Orisha, generous, and giving. All life started in the
sea, the amniotic fluid inside the mother's womb, is a form of sea where the
embryo must transform and evolve through the form of a fish before becoming a
human baby. She represents the mother who gives love, but does not give her
power away. Yemalla also owns the collective, subconsciousness. Her worship is
indeed ancient and annual or at fixed times.
Sopona (Shokpona), the god of
smallpox, apparently became an important god in the smallpox plagues that were
transmitted by various inter-tribal wars; the Yoruba also blamed Sopona's wrath
for high temperatures, carbuncles, boils, and other diseases that resemble
small-pox symptoms. Sopona once terrified some Yoruba so greatly that they
feared to say his name;they used instead such names as Elegbana ("hot
earth") and A-soro-pe-leerun ("one whose name it is not propitious to
call during the dry season"). Priests of Sopona wielded immense power; it
was believed that they could bring the plague down on their enemies, and in
fact the priests sometimes made a potion from the powdered scabs and dry skin
of those who died from small-pox. They would pour the potion in an enemy's
house or a neighboring village to spread the disease. Today, however, smallpox
has been all but eradicated; the priests of Sopona have lost power and the cult
has all but vanished.
Yoruba Traditional Religion Oluwole
Introduction
To examine the Yoruba religion, one must
look at the entire area of Yoruba cultural existence. Yorubas are located
basically in the southwestern part of Nigeria and in some parts of Benin and
Togo. The history of the Yoruba religion seems to be somewhat of a
controversial subject in most sources that deal with this topic. There was
really no mention of when the religion started or much about the origin of the
people because the beginning of their existence was always noted as being in
Ife, the center where the Yoruba people descended from heaven.
As far as dealing with the actual
origin of the religion itself, it is only referred to as a surviving religion
of a "higher" religion. That religion is said to be from the Ancient
Egyptian–Religion otherwise known as Khamet or Kemet. Being that the language
of the Yorubas is so strongly tied to the culture there are many comparisons
analyzed as to why there is a belief that Yoruba religion has been derived from
Ancient Egyptian religion. For example, in Lucas' "The Religion of the
Yorubas" word comparisons are made. Such a comparison is made with the
Ancient Egyptian God Amon: "The God Amon is one of the Gods formerly known
to the Yorubas". The Yoruba words mon,
mimon, "holy or sacred," are probably derived from the name of the
God" (p.21).
Many of the sources which I
encountered did not attempt to even approach the topic of the origin of the
Yorubas Orisa (Orisha). The Orisa is one of the key spiritual elements of
traditional Yoruba religion. It is an example of the many deep rooted meanings
of the religion of the Yorubas. The Orisa, according to Baba Ifa Karade's
"The Handbook of Yoruba Religious Concepts," are a series of Gods
or divinities under the Yoruba's main–God, Olorun or Oludumare. Karade also
argues that there are many striking similarities between the ancient Egyptians
and the Yorubas. The Orisha are "... an expression of the principles and
functions of divine power manifesting on nature"(p.23).
The actual word "Orisha"
has a deep meaning itself. For example,
the word ori is the "reflective
spark of human consciousness embedded on human essense, and sha which is the ultimate potentiality
of that consciousness." This gives a strong example of how strong language
is tied to religion. This Ori is the aspect
of the human that is in a sense in control of their spiritual actions. The ori is divided into two which can be
known as the ori apari and the ori apere. The ori apari represents the internal
spiritual head and the ori apere represents the sign of an individuals personal
protector. The common Orisa which seem to come up time after time are these
major ones: Obatala, Elegba, Ogun, Yemoja, Oshun (Osun), Shango (Sango), and
Oya.
Each of these gods has a specific
purpose when dealing with the human spirit. Each of the orisas has a specific
color and natural environment associated with them. Obatala represents the
embodiment of true purity of one's soul. Obatala is also said to represent
ethical purity. Such purity is represented by pure whiteness. There is great
measure taken to carry out the importance of this pure whiteness because the
temples which worship the divinity Obatala have the color of white in all the
instruments of worship. For example, the clothing of those involved with the
worship in the temples are white. In addition, all the emblems are kept in
white containers and the ornaments are white as are the beads for the priests
and priestesses. Obatala is said to be
the father of the Orisha and the divinity in charge of the carving of humans
out of clay into the form they are today. He is worshiped or appeased by his
followers when they want children, revenge for wrong doings, cures for sickness
and so on.
Yemoja is the divinity that governs
over all the waters or oceans. Yemoja is
said to be the mother of all the Orisha. She is the water or ambiotic fluid in
the mother's womb and the breasts which nurture a new born child. She is the Matriarchal head of the entire
universe. Her natural environment are
the salt water–oceans and the lakes and the colors associated with her are blue
and crystal. There is much confusion concerning the subject matter as to who is
the chief female divinity because the different sources represent different
view points on this subject matter and this was really unclear.
Sango or Shango to non Yoruba
speakers is said to be a human that was made into a deity. He was said to be
the ruler of old Oyo that was hung (legend has it that he committed suicide by
hanging himself to a tree after his failure to amass all the political powr to
himself) because of his greed for power. Sango is the god of lightning in
addition to being the Orisha of drum and dance. He is also known to change
things into pure and valuabe objects. His followers come to him for legal
problems, making bad situations better, and protection from enemies. His natural environment happens to be any
place that has been struck by lightning, and the base of trees. It is said that
no god is more feared for malevolent action than sango.
Ogun is said to be the god of iron
and basically everything that becomes iron. He is known for building or
clearing paths for the building of civilizations and is the divinity of
mechanization. Ogun is considered to be the holder of divine justice and truth.
He is also said to be the executioner of the world. Natural environment are in
the woods, railroads, and forges.
Oya is the divinity that is associated
with the death or the rebirth into a new life.
She is considered to be the wife of Sango. Oya is also known as the god
of storms and hurricanes and has power over the winds. She is also the deity
that is in charge of guarding the cemetary. Osun (Oshun) is the deity of
diplomacy and all giving or unconditional love. She is a river deity because
she symbolizes clarity. She is the divinity of fertility and feminine essence.
Oshun is said to represent the strenght of feminine love and the power of motherhood.
It is she who is appeased when it comes time for a mother to give birth.
Elegba is the messenger of the
deities and his major role is to negotiate between the other orishas and the
humans and is very close to all the forces of the deities. He is in charge of
giving from the humans to the divinities. Elegba is the one who tests the human
souls. Even when worhsipping other divinities, he is also worshipped because of
his important role in the Yoruba religion. Elegba can both punish and reward
and is known for having great wisdom. He is also the divinity who takes the
body upon death and the divinity that saves. Although he does not match the
role exactly, he is what the western world would call the devil. Elegba is not
evil.
It is
particularly important to discuss the dieties because they represent such an
important aspect of Yoruba traditional religion. The Yorubas have a deep and
symbolic meaning attached to each of the divinities which is exhibited through
prayer and worhsip. These divinities give the reader some idea of the powerful
belief system of the Yorubas. Many scholars or anyone not familiar with the
Yoruba system of worship which is based in the belief in more than one god, may
see this religion as "superstitious" or "pagan".
The Yorubas have many festivals to
give honor and praise to the many divinities within the Orisa system of belief.
The Yoruba festivals are extremely elaborate and have much deep rooted meaning
in practice related to them. Certain Yoruba towns have certain orisas which are
honored. This is extremely important because it shows the diversity of Yoruba
culture and futhermore the facets of traditional Yoruba religion. It would be
tedious and quite boring to examine and give an account of every single
festival and the villages in which they take place because the Yoruba religion
covers so many (actually all) towns in Yorubaland. The discussion could go on
forever. However, I will give one account of this widely practiced aspect of
Yoruba religion.
Among the people
of Osogbo, the Orisa Osun is the center of the town’s attention even though it
is worshipped by the people in all areas of Yorubaland. The reason for this
vast diversity may be due to the fact that there are major differences in the
landscape of each of the villages where the Yorubas settled. Each orisa has a
natural environment and a different emphasis may be put on a different orisa.
For example, the reason why the people of Osogbo worship osun may be because
their town was founded near a river and osun's natural environment is in fresh
rivers and lakes. The historical legend or belief behind the worship of osun is
that the people of Osogbo found it hard to find any fresh drinking water for
the village. It was the divinity osun who gave the people of Osogbo fresh
water. Osun has also been credited to give infertile women children.
In Yoruba traditional religion, life
is circular. What is meant by this that in the Yoruba religion, there is no
such thing as death. Death is seen as a transition from the physical plain to
the spiriitual plain. The life cycle of the Yorubas is very complex. Before an individual is born into the world,
they choose a destiny with God (Olodumare) in heaven. The goal is to fulfil the
destiny. There is one exception, once a child is born he or she forgets the
destiny he or she has chosen. The purpose of this is for the individual to
learn and gain wisdom for life in the spiritual plain. The Yoruba traditional
religion believes in predestination. It is also important to point out that
there is no hell in traditional Yoruba religion. The Yoruba believe that all of
one's wrong doings will be paid for and all good deads will be rewarded. Under the orisa system, the early cycle of
life is called "morning".
Morning of one's life spans from the time of birth to the age of fifty.
It is in this time period that the individual learns and experiences life's
most difficult lessons. This also is the time when the Yorubas raise their
families. The Yorubas believe that no
one is a master in any area of life until they reach age fifty. The time period
from the age of fifty until the transition into the spirit realm is called the
evening. It is in this time period that individuals enjoy life the most. By
this time most Yoruba men and women would have raised their children and have
much free time to enjoy the fruits of their labor. The evening is a time period
when the Yorubas prepare for their transition. Long life and family are the two
most important blessings in Yoruba religion.
The Yoruba believe that there are
three types of people: achievers, people who assist achievers, and bystanders.
Whichever role one chooses dictates the type of life that the person will live.
The babalawo is the most important figure in Yoruba religion on the physical
plain. His role is one of great respect and experience. The Babalawo's training
is long and indepth. It is said in some temples of Yoruba divination that
Babalawos are said to stay in their temples for seven years before being
released into the world to pracitce Orisha. The babalawo, by his knowledge and
training, is the link between the divinities and man.
Olodumare, Orisa, ati Ebora: Yoruba concepts of God. Sangoleke
Time and time again, one can not
escape the fact that religion is an essential part of culture amongst African
people. Throughout the African continent
and the Diaspora, traditional religious beliefs and practices have served as a
unifying force within the community. Religion permeates all aspects of the
everyday life of Africans who still cling to the traditional beliefs.[2] The
Yoruba culture and their beliefs span South-Western Nigeria as well as parts of
Benin and Togo.[3]
In the words of Dr. Awolalu, “Perhaps no other African group has had greater
influence on the culture of the
In Sierre Leone it is known by the
name ‘Aku’ . Practitioners call their
religion ‘Lucimi’ in Cuba and it is
referred to as ‘Nago’ in Brazil.[5] Thus Yoruba tradition has had a place
in the New World for some time. In some parts of South America and the
Caribbean Yoruba practices have been merged with Christianity such as Santiera
which combines catholic saints with Yoruba deities.
We now have an idea of the vastness
of the Yoruba religion. But, what does the religion entail? Who is their God or
gods? What do they call Him/Her/them? How do they see Him and His powers? And, Who serve under Him? Contrary to the
belief of many, African people are not heathens nor are we “religiously
illiterate,”[6] Our concepts of the God incorporates Him/Her
as both the unseen Supreme Being and Creator and the manifestation of the
physical realm and natural phenomenon.[7]
The Yoruba believe in the existence of a Supreme Being who is responsible for
creation and sustaining both heaven and earth. By looking at the names they
give to God, one can one can gain insight into their relationship with their
God. Awolalu states:
“Among the Yoruba
names are very significant.… The Yoruba attach a great deal of importance to
names.... every name given by the Yoruba depicts a significant character or
circumstance of the birth of the bearer of the name.”
He later adds:
“We take the trouble of examining.… secular names in order
to emphasize the fact that names are not just given but that they are with
definite intentions. When we turn specifically to examine the manes of the
Supreme Being we discover that each of the names depicts the peoples’ concept
of Him. The most prevalent name of the Supreme Being is Olodumare, which has the connotation of the Supreme God worthy of
great reverence. The name Olorun
means the owner of heaven. It is used in conjunction with Olodumare as Olorun Olodumare
to express the Supreme Being as the God who resides in heaven. Eledaa means the Creator. Alaaye means the Living One and suggests that the Supreme Being is
everlasting. The Yoruba say ‘A ki igbo
iku Olodumare’ (We never hear of the death of Olodumare). Elemii means
the Owner of Life, “without the Supreme Being no creature can live.” Olojo
Oni means the Owner or Controller of this day or daily happenings.
Therefore, all things that happen in one’s life or during that day is under the
control of God”.[8]
The Yoruba believe that Olodumare,
the Supreme Being, has certain divine qualities or attributes.[9] A common
characteristic of traditional African religion is a creation myth or story.[10] There
is a story of creation that among the Yoruba is used “mainly to emphasize the
fact that Olodumare is the creator of
heaven and earth and all beings and things.”[11] Among
the attributes of the Supreme Being is His uniqueness. To the Yoruba, He is the
Only One and no others are like Him. The Yoruba say ‘A ki igbo iku Olodumare’ (‘We never here of the death of Olodumare’) to convey the everlasting
nature of Olorun Alaaye, the Living
God. Without the Supreme Being, nothing can be done. He is Olorun Alagbara , the powerful God. The Yoruba believe God to be omnipotent.
God, the Supreme Being, knows all‘
A-rinu-rode Olumo okan’ (the One who sees both the inside and outside (of a
person)- the Discerner of the Heart).
The Supreme Being is the Oba orun, King of heaven and the Oba a dake dajo, the King who sits in
silence and dispense justice. “In their anthropomorphic conception of God, the
Yoruba see Him as holding the position of a very important king who is also an
impartial Judge.”[12] The
belief in the transcendence of God is key to the Yoruba’s concept of the
Supreme Being. It is He who is above all but he is not an unapproachable God.
He is One who is easily accessible without regard to time and place because of
His omnipresence.[13] Along
with the creation of heaven and earth, Olodumare
brought into existence other divinites- Orisa,
and spirits, Ebora, to help Him
administer His creation. There is no true separation between the divinities and
spirit according to Awolalu, probably because of their effect on man and the
reverence or respect the Yoruba have for these supernatural forces or Beings.
The number of divinities and spirits that span Yorubaland varies from 200 to
more than 2000. The importance of each
divinity or spirit depends on the location within Yorubaland and the Diaspora.
Some are classified as either a primordial divinity or deified ancestor.
Obatala or Orisa-nla is seen as one of the first
divinities the Supreme Being created and is connected to the creation story.
Among his notoriety is his ability to make barren women fertile and his purity.
Followers of Obatala are expected to
be of upright nature and clean. Hence the color white is significant in his
worshippers’ attire and articles at his shrines. In the creation story, Obatala got intoxicated by drinking palm
wine, hence his followers are forbidden from offering it to him or drinking it
themselves.
Orunmila is another of
the primordial divinities, who was sent to accompany Obatala to earth and
provide him with guidance. Orunmila is
believed to be specifically gifted with knowledge and wisdom, thus the name ‘Eleriipin’ one who bears witness to
fate.’ A belief among the Yoruba is that the destiny of man is held by
Olodumare before one is born. Part of Orunmila’s
wisdom is knowing the likes and dislikes of the divinities and this knowledge allows
him to guide both the divinities and man. Orunmila
serves as the divinities’ messenger to man and man’s guide to the divinities.
With the aid of Ifa, Orunmila can discern the wishes of Olodumare and what steps to take to appease Him. Orunmila priests are known as Babalawo (father of mysteries). They are
the highest of all Yoruba priests. Babalawo
are consulted before any important project is carried out.
Oduduwa is considered
both a primordial divinity and a deified ancestor. There is much controversy
concerning him and his place in the pantheon of Yoruba Gods. Some contest it
was him and not Obatala that was sent
to earth by Olodumare because of Obatala’s drunken stupor. Some claim Oduduwa as wife to Obatala and the primary female Orisa,
with Obatala the primary male Orisa.
However, both Oduduwa and Obatala are associated with the
creation.
Esu is one of the
primary divinities in Yoruba beliefs. His main purpose is to run errands for
both man and the divinities and to report their deeds to Olodumare. Within the character of Esu is good and evil. Unlike the Christian concept of the devil or
the Islamic character of shaitan, Esu
is not wholly evil and he is not scorned but recognized as having a place in
the world.
Ogun is considered
as both a primordial divinity and a deified ancestor. As legend tells us, it
was Ogun who cleared the thicket for Olodumare after the other divinities
could not. Therefore, the association with Ogun
as the one associated with clearing obstacles exists in Yoruba belief. By
appeasing Ogun, these obstacles can
be overcome. One tradition holds that Ogun
was a powerful warrior, the son of Oduduwa,
who helped him defeat his enemies. Hence, the association between Ogun and warriors exists. It is still a
practice for Yorubas to swear upon Ogun
(represented as a piece of iron). If your testimony is false or you break your
word, Ogun’s judgment shall be
severe. In this manner Ogun symbolizes or deifies absolute justice. Some
other symbols for Ogun are the
machete or guns.
In ancient Yoruba society, if a man
or woman made contributions to life and culture they were deified, Instead of
them dying, Yoruba heroes and heroines won
data or won diirin turn into stone or iron. So they are not
forgotten and their exploits give them supernatural power or influence. An
important person in the history of the Yoruba is the man who served as the
fourth Alaafin of Oyo, Sango.[14] Sango is not just an important figure to
the Yoruba of the African continent, but he seems to play a role in the customs
of Diaspora Yoruba belief in the New World.[15]
Within Yoruba beliefs, Sango is the deity associated with
thunder and lightning. As a ruler Sango
was tyrannical and often misused his power and his knowledge of magic.
Eventually, his arrogance was his undoing when he summoned up lightning that
ultimately destroyed his wives and children. Some stories contend that he was
so distraught that he went into the woods and hung himself and returned as
thunder and lightning.[16]
Associated with Sango's veneration
are the Orogbo (bitter kola nut) and Erindinlogun (sixteen cowries)
divination systems.[17]
Orisa-oko is the patron
divinity of Yoruba farmers. He is represented by an iron staff covered with
cowrie shells and is served by honey bees. Orisa-oko
is said to be Olodumare functionary
in matters concerning the maintenance and sustenance of the world in particular
agriculture. Ayelala is a goddess
both feared and revered by the people of the Okitipupa Portion of Western
Nigeria. She is associated with vengeance. She is said to accompany various
plagues such as small pox and others whom are looked upon as spirits also. A
male god, Sanponna is associated with these plagues and so on in other areas of
Yorubaland.
Along with the primordial divinities
and deified ancestors are the spirits or Ebora.
The Yoruba recognize these spirits and associate them with natural phenomenon
such as the earth, the rivers, the wind, and the mountains. These things in
nature are either considered as spirits, the abode of spirits, or the vehicle
through which spirits travel. Many of these spirits have shrines and or
festivals associated with their veneration. Bodies of water are also included
as Ebora. Yemoja or Yemoya
is considered the source of all
water. Oya is the goddess of the
river Niger. Osun is the divinity
associated with the river that bears its name and the tutelary divinity of Osogbo. Osun governs fertility and
healing. Olokun or Malokun is the lord of the sea. He is
justly revered because of man’s awe of the sea.
Elevated land and rocks are
considered abodes of spirits[18] such as
oke-Olumo, Olumo Rock.[19] Due to
rocks perceived immortality, the Yoruba say ‘Oke
o ki iku’ (the rock never dies). Trees are considered to be spirits or the
domain of the supernatural. The Iroko
tree is held in high regard as it is thought to be inhabited by some powerful
spirits. The Ayan, Eegun, and Omo tree are also treated with respect and reverence. The spirits
of the air are countless to the Yoruba. Oro,
a spirit responsible for paralysis, travels through and woe is he who meets
him, for paralysis soon follows. Ajija travels
by wind and transports men to the forest where they are taught the medicinal
arts.
There are seemingly countless
spirits and divinities in Yorubaland. I am sure that each ilu (town) has its own patron spirit or divinity with a shrine,
festival, and priesthood associated with it. However, Olodumare is the Supreme Being to the Yoruba. Noting His names and
the attributes they associate with Him, one does not need to ponder long on why
the religion and culture has not only survived colonialism and post-colonial
rule. Neither Christianity nor Islam have successfully wiped out its
practice. O se Olodunmare!
Bibliography:
Awolalu, J. Omosade. Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial
Rites.
Barnes, Sandra T, ed. Africa’s Ogun: Old World and New.
2Ed.
Bascom, William. Shango in the New World Austin:
African and Afro-American Institute,
Universtiy of Texas, Austin. 1972.
Mbiti, John S. Concepts of God in Africa. New York:
Praeger Publishers, 1970.
Schleicher, Antonia Y.F. Je K’ A So Yoruba. New
Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1993.
Olufemi
In traditional Yoruba society the
paramount obstacle was to perpetually keep the many deities placated. This
appeasement was crucial to ensuring peace and prosperity for one’s self, one’s
family, and even one’s village. The traditional Yorubas had many deities that
held influence over different Earthly realms. Arguably as important as these
deities was Esu. He was responsible
for delivering sacrifices made by humans to Olorun,
”God Almighty” Esu served as a sort of spiritual mediator; he was the link
between the humans and the gods. It is rumored that Olorun once pretended to be
dead in order to see who was actually loyal to him. As the story goes, only Esu
grieved and was thus given his special position as mediator between the spirit
world and Earthly inhabitants. (This story was found on the website www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html )
The Yoruba deities often appear to
be very egotistical and well aware of their superiority. It seems that the
Yoruba gods behave a lot like the gods of Greek and Roman mythology in this
sense. In all three cultures, the gods were aware of their supremacy and often used
their powers to toy with humans. In Greek mythology Zeus was well known for tricking mortal women into sleeping with
him. In the Yoruba culture, gods apparently amused themselves at the expense of
humans as well. Due to this tendency, the traditional Yorubas tried very hard
to keep the gods happy and thus to keep themselves in good graces.
Sacrifices and reciting odu were the main instrument used in
appeasing the gods and thus ensuring happiness for traditional Yorubas.
Although such communication with the gods was imperative, few had the
sufficient knowledge and training to be able to preside over these mystical
practices. The people who possessed the knowledge to communicate with higher
powers were called Babalowo or
diviner. They were similar to Native
American shamans as far as the role
they played in the community, and they are highly esteemed.
The traditional Yoruba culture put
great faith into the Babalowo. His role was very complex and multifaceted. In
fact, he was so revered by the community that he was allowed to wear clothing
ornamented with beads. These beads are highly regarded as they “Once serv[ed]
as trade currencies, beaded objects were usually reserved for the Yoruba kings”
To the villagers, the Babalowo served
as a sort of priest, doctor, and fortune-teller all rolled into one. He
utilized special instruments to decipher what a person had done to offend a
deity, what sacrifices were needed, and which odu should be recited to get back into the god’s good graces. His
position was very important in traditional Yoruba society. (www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/divination/yoruba_bag.html
).
For the act of deviation, a Babalowo had many tools to assist him in
contacting a higher power. These tools were kept in a bowl called opon igere.
This bowl would often be decorated with carvings containing the images of
deities. One of the key elements used in the divination ceremony was the
tapper. The tapper is “usually made of ivory,” and was used to summon
supernatural forces. Additionally, the Babalowo
had a carved cup in which he carries around sacred palm nuts. The traditional
name for the cup is agere-Ifa. The cup “served as a home” for the
palm nuts (Kernels). The palm nuts themselves played a crucial role in the
divination, as they were tossed across a sacred divination board, called opon-Ifa,
covered in sawdust (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html).
Unlike in many
other cultures, the Yorubas actually were allowed to be present and to be
actively engaged in the ceremony. A person would come to a Babalowo with a problem, perhaps his wife was sick. The diviner
would then bring out his agere-Ifa. From the agere-Ifa the Babalowo would retrieve the sixteen
precious palm nuts. Then, he would throw them across opon-Ifa. The Opon-Ifa
was covered in sawdust or powder. The trails made by the tossed palm nuts were
studied in depth by the Babalowo. From the sawdust trails the Babalowo could derive at which chapter
he should start reading odu from. The
‘client’ would then listen as the Babalowo
reads. The ‘client’ “would stop the diviner when he recognized an odu of particular significance.” The
diviner would essentially repeat this process until a “meaningful text began to
coalesce” (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
).
The article that I read concerning the
recitation of odu contained an example
of some verses that were recited for a man whom the diviner said will be
honored soon:
And wraps it up in a cloth.
Nobody despises the snake
And ties it round his waist as a
belt.
Nobody despises the King
And hits him over the head.
Today people must honor me.
(Beier:1959:57)”
(www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html )
Apart from the performance of
divination ceremonies, the Babalowo
maintain an air of spirituality above the rest of the community at all times.
They carry items to symbolize their powers for all to see. For instance, some Babalowo carry opa osun. Opa
osun was a type of divining staff and served to remind the villagers of the
diviner’s position in society. At certain ceremonies the Babalowo would carry around other symbolic artifacts. Babalowo “brings out this special iron
staff at large, community-oriented functions. The staff symbolizes the
diviner’s power over death and other destructive forces.” The Yorubas believed
that if someone was at the point of death and the diviner sacrificed a rooster
on the staff, that “death would be fooled into taking the life of the rooster
instead of the human being.” (www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
).
The traditional Yorubas held many
beliefs that people from other countries would perhaps find strange. But on the
same token, the Yorubas would find peculiarity in someone else’s beliefs. If
modern day Christians can believe that Jesus Christ rose up from the dead and
will later come back to earth to take people to heaven, why is it so
far-fetched to believe that Babalowo had
supernatural powers? Many Westerners ridicule ancient beliefs such as the ones held
by the Yoruba as evidence of lesser cultures, but they often forget that
tradition is usually based on some amount of facts. For instance one of the
primary things, Yoruba people visit the Babalowo
for was to try and increase fertility. According to recent evidence the
Yorubas have the highest rate of twin births in the world, “Forty-five out of
every thousand births is a twin birth” (www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/fertility/yoruba_ibeji.html).
One inhibitor of learning about the Yoruba religion and culture is that some
people are hesitant to look at the world from a different view, to take a leap
of faith that maybe there is something else to know about the world. People in
the
The Yoruba
concept of Esu and Babalowo will not fit nicely into such a
framework. It must be studied from an objective perspective. After much
research on the topic and much reflection, it has become obvious to me that to
actually understand the significance of the Yoruba culture, including the
divination ceremony and the role of the Babalowo,
one must, in fact, be Yoruba. Although much can be learned from reading
descriptions of Yoruba rituals and information about the different roles the
deities play in life, one is still not able to grasp the cultural implications
and significance of these things. Although we can never hope to achieve a full
sense of understanding, that should not divert us from our goals of learning
about the language of the Yoruba or about their rich culture. The Yoruba
culture is vast in tradition and value and it can be an asset to anyone to
unravel even a little of its mystic.
Websites Cited:
www.fa.indiana.edu/~conner/yoruba/man.html
www.middlebury.edu/~atherton/AR325/fertility/yoruba_ibeji.html
Female Deities and Their Importance in the Yoruba Culture Folarin
(H)
There is no
doubt that religion is a major aspect of the Yoruba culture. This is a culture
that contains a huge pantheon of gods and goddesses each with a different
mythology and purpose. Many Yoruba deities are connected to the natural forces
that command and create life. They are seen not only in religious worship, but
in the daily lives and activities of the Yoruba people.
To a Yoruba person, knowing the
mythology of deities is as important as learning the history of his/her
ancestors. The deities are in fact the ancestors of all humankind. This deep
connection plays a tremendous role in the relationship between deity and human;
in the human need for help in working with nature’s forces deities are
consulted for guidance and example. Women being at the source of creation have
always looked to deities (primarily female deities) for assistance in their
survival and for the welfare of the community.
There are constant celebrations and
festivals reminding and teaching the Yoruba people of this rich past and deep
connection. An example of such a festival is the “Gelede”. This festival
celebrates the “great ancestral mothers” and women’s life giving powers. The festival
has two parts a night ceremony called the “Efe”
and the daytime celebration called the “Gelede”.
In both celebrations, elaborate costumes and masks are created to pay homage to
deities and ancestors. The importance of women in Yoruba society is the overall
theme of the festival.
The festival is held in the
marketplace which is the center of women’s social and economic activity. The
marketplace is the key to the economic wealth of women in Yoruba society.
Therefore, it is the perfect place to pay homage to women’s influence and
strength. Several female deities play a
large role in the festival’s activities.
One of the most sacred “Efe” and
“Gelede” performances is of the Great Mother,”Iyanla”. Special preparations are made for this performance. All
the lights are extinguished, and a shrine is provided as a center for worship.
The shrine consists of a mask wrapped or draped in white cloth, and the
performers representing “Iyanla” focus on their dancing. The “Iyanla” can come
in two forms: a bearded elderly lady or a Spirit bird. There are two chants
that are spoken when the performers appear. One chant is to the Spirit bird
form:
Spirit Bird is
coming (Twice)
Ososobi o,
Spirit Bird is coming
The one who brings the
festival today
Tomorrow is the day when
devotees of the gods will worship
You are the one who
brought us to this place
It is your influence
that we are using
Ososobi o, Spirit bird
is coming
[Recorded
in Ilaro, 1978]
This chant demonstrates how
important “Iyanla” is to the Yoruba people. She is the reason and the power
behind the festival. Another chant spoken is to the bearded mother form:
“Iyanla come
into the world, our mother
Kind
one will not die like the evil one
Ososomu
come into the world
Our
mother the kind one will not die like the evil one”
And
“Ososomu
e e e
Honored
ancestor “apake e e e”
Mother,
Mother, child who brings peace to the world
Repair
the world for us
Iyanla,
child who brings peace to the world o e”
[Collected
in Ibaiyun, 1975]
In both of these chants “Iyanla” is
constantly referred to as mother. This indicates homage to a deity like that of
a great ancestor. In the second chant, “Iyanla” is asked to bring peace to the
world, and by participating is this chant comfort is given by knowing that
“Iyanla” hears the trouble of her children. Again there is a motherly portral
of the goddess.
In addition to the mask representing
”Iyanla”, other goddesses are depicted. Masks with special clay pots called “otun” are attached for collecting
sacred water. These masks are dedicated to water deities such as ”Yemoja” and “Osun”. Water signifies a natural force needed for human survival;
as well as a symbol of richness and fertility. The goddess “Yemoja” is also
honored by a special mask worn only by a priestess. Red parrot feathers crown
the mask symbolizing the mystical power of women. Other articles of clothing
signify a woman’s connection to deity. The
oja can be worn in a variety of ways depending upon the senority of a
prietess or follower. It may be worn as a gele
(head wrap) to indicate new initiates or around the buba (traditional blouse) for older prietesses. The Yoruba people recognize and respect the
differences.
Outside of festivals and
celebrations female deities still remain a powerful influence. Daily these
deities are consulted in problems that occur in everyday life. Specific
problems are brought to different goddesses. Each goddess has her own history
and personality. These qualities mirror the positive and negative aspects of
the Yoruba culture.
The river goddess “Osun” is sought after for advice in
matters of love and children. In Yoruba
culture, she is seen as the goddess of love and beauty. A festival is also
dedicated to her; many offerings are given to her by women asking for her help.
She can cause drought or flood and therefore must be constantly appeased. She
is the matron goddess of the town Osogbo in Osun State of Nigeria.
Another important goddess to the
Yoruba people is “Oya”. She is a goddess with many different aspects.
One of her most dominant traits is her association with the forest and the
hunt. Because of these aspects, she is also known as the “Buffalo-woman”. She
can come in the form of the hunter or in the form of the prey. These two forms
illustrate the importance of both aspects of life. She teaches understanding
and respect for the life of the animal killed to provide food, and the balance
that must be maintained in nature.
In the role of “Buffalo-woman”, she
also teaches that the roles of men and women in Yoruba society are not as
important as the survival of the community. This is a lesson being used in
modern Yoruba culture. Traditionally women are not allowed to leave the village
to search for roots or food. Even women trained in gathering roots for medicine
can not go deep into the forest. However, a hunter is only considered to be the
best if he is successful in the depths of the forest. He must recognize the
greatness and skills of “Oya” as a hunter goddess to feed the village.
Another aspect of “Oya” is as the
whirlwind or tornado. This again illustrates the negative but necessary aspect
of nature; to have creation destruction must take place. She is seen as the
cause of tornadoes in Yoruba culture. This also relates to the negative and
violent power within men and women. If these powers are allowed the run rapid,
they can be just as destructive as any tornado.
Oya’s diversified personality makes
her one of the most distinctive of the Yoruba goddesses. Her personality is
best summoned up in a poem by Judith Gleason. It describes both her negative
and positive qualities.
Oya
Dark forest,
deepest obscurity
Which grabs
and swallows you in the forest
Winds of Death
Tears the
Calabash, tears the bush
Sango’s wife
who
With the thumb
tears out
The intestines
of the one liar
Great Oya, yes
Only she
seizes the horns of the buffalo
Only she
confronts the returning dead
Swiftly she
gets her things together swiftly
Oya messenger,
carry me on your back
Don’t let me
down
She burns like
fire in the hearth
Everywhere at
once
Tornado,
quivering sold canopied tress--
Great Oya, yes
Whirlwind,
masquerader, awakening
Courageously
takes up her saber
Iya O, Iya O
Mother Oya
It is not from
today that she is honorable
But from long
ago
Iya O, Oya O
Mother Oya
She’s the one
who employs truth against [untruth]
She stands at
the frontier
Between Life
and Death
Iya O, Oya O
If it is
Bembe, she dances it, O she’ll dance it
Who dances
Bata Drums?
O she dances
it
Who dances
Shekere,
O she dances
it
Wife of Ogun,
that’s the one who dances it, whatever it is
She has been
performing Egungun masquerade for a long time
Oya had so
much honor
She turned and
became Orisa
Oya guards the
road into the world and out of it
Oya, respect
to the awesome!
(Judith
Gleason@1987)
The role of female deities in Yoruba
culture is ever present and ever changing. A strong connection between female
deities and the Yoruba people is illustrated by the many lessons learned from
them. These lessons include “Iyanla’s”
wisdom, “Osun’s” love, and “Oya’s” strength. Connection between humankind and
deity is crucial. By having respect for deity whether male or female, one gains
a love and kindred to everything in nature. This serves as a way to pass on the
lesson of how to live in balance with ourselves and others. All these are
valuable teachings which can be used in daily life not of just the Yoruba
people but of everyone and anyone.
References
Blakely,
Thomas D., Van Beek, Walter E. A., and Thomson, Dennis L. Religion in Africa: Experience and Expression. David
M. Kennedy Center 1994.
Drewal,
Henry John and Drewal, Margaret Thompson. 1983. Gelede: Art and Female Power
among the Yoruba. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press.
Gleason,
Judith. 1987, 1992. Oya: In Praise of an African Goddess.
Websites:
Web-Site:
http://www.voiceofwomen.com/articles/omi.html
-“Keys
to Feminine Empowerment: from the Yoruba West African
Tradition”
by: Omifunke.
Web-Site:
http://www.artnet,net/~ifa/oshun.htm
-“Ijo
Orunmila: Spreading Ifa to All Olodumare’s Children.” by: Chief
Fashina
Falade, Chief Olubikin of Ile-Ife.
Role
of Women in Traditional Yoruba Society Adeola
Women
played various roles in traditional Yoruba society. They performed in areas such as farming and
trading, and economically, women's efforts were crucial to the survival of
their families and the society as a whole. Political roles were also abundant.
Though males essentially dominated Yoruba politics in a physical sense, a
woman's importance was generated through mystical power and was fully
independent of the reputation of her husband. Women also participated in body
markings, and further, they held a great knowledge of medicine. In addition,
traditional ceremonies and rituals such as Gelede, portray a profound respect
for women--especially mothers. Historical myths placed sharp focus on religious
and supernatural forces. In fact, in some instances, they were held as high as
goddesses because of their alleged awesome power.
Women
are further saluted through chants called Oriki,
and these chants, additionally, assist women in their journey to marriage. In
1826, a man named Capperton observed wives of the Alaafin of Oyo (the most
powerful Yoruba king at the time) in every place trading and like other women
of the common class, carrying large loads on their heads from town to town
(Drewal 225). Though the majority of women earn their income through trading,
farming also plays a significant role (Spiro 13). Their function in supplying
nutrition and clothing for themselves and their families depend greatly on both
farming and trading (Kolade 1). Previous studies have shown that women's only
economic concern is with food processing and distribution, with some craft
specialization and that women rarely take part in any phase of agriculture, but
other studies show that almost all women spend approximately 25% of their time
in some farming activity (Spiro 7).
Women
are estimated to perform 60% to 80% of all agricultural work and to provide up
to 70% of the region's food (Middleton and Rassam 392). For instance, a woman
performs much of her labor through the farming of crops such as yams, maize,
cassava, and okra, and they even have to hire some male labor for their own
farms (Spiro 7). The production and sale of such crops contributes to the
well-being of her family in addition to providing income for various other
household expenses (Middleton and Rassam 392). Women are in their prime years
between the ages of 25-40, since their economic authority grows with age and
their status as mothers.
Responsibilities
increase because they need to supplement their husband's income and provide
money for school fees and other every day necessities. Women are also expected
to supply the sauces, stews, and snacks eaten with staples. Women use their own
money to buy clothes and luxury items for themselves and their children (Spiro
9).
Yoruba
women marry at age eighteen and move to their husband’s village. During the
early years of marriage, women are economically subservient to their husbands.
Their domestic duties also include extensive unpaid agricultural labor on their
husband’s holdings. These early years are also devoted to organizing the
household, and bearing and rearing children. Yorubas strive for a 3 year space
between children, owing to traditional sexual abstinence during an extended
breast-feeding period. As children approach the school age, mothers start
moving more seriously into trading enterprises. Children are net dependents on
their parents between ages 6 and 18, depending on the schooling they receive
(Spiro 9).
Women
are further involved in body marks. A woman whose father is a mark maker can be
taught how to and she can make marks (Barnes 358). These are incisions or
tattoos on the body that represent sexuality, spirituality, strength, and
status for males and females (254). For example, a woman with many marks is
considered courageous and a woman without marks is deemed a coward (255). As a
consequence of their significant contributions, women are given official roles
in public affairs (Middleton and Rassam 392). In fact, the market women’s
administrative head, Iyalode, holds a position on the king’s council of chiefs
(Drewal 10). Women also participate in activities such as pottery making,
spinning, dyeing, weaving, basketry, and dressmaking was added in the 19th
century and medicinal activity is also predominant.
The
collection and sale of medicinal ingredients takes place in large daily
markets. These ingredients are not affected by menstruation and can therefore
be handled by women. Since these women are intimately familiar with the plants
and animals they handle, they undoubtedly know much about medicine, but they
tend to limit their medicinal practice to the sale of ingredients. They also offer advice, recommending cures to
their friends, and occasionally they will sell someone a recipe (Buckley
3).
On
another note, women are considered the center of Gelede ceremonies (Lawal 36).
Gelede is a ceremony that promotes the motif of barrenness as its prime
focus. Certain traditional, religious
beliefs form the basis for such ceremonies. First of all, Ogboni was one of the most religious organizations in Yorubaland
(34-35). The Earth Goddess, Ile, held
it’s divine authority and represented maternal principles. This is evident in
the word, Abiye, meaning <born to
live>. It was used by female members of Ogboni called, Erelu, as a symbol of being good midwives and to prevent infant
mortality, called Abiku.
Gelede
society elaborates on the maternal values of Ogboni in order to inculcate into
the mother’s mind the responsibility to her children and her community (Lawal
36). There are two main ceremonies that
Gelede embodies. Efe is the night
ceremony while Gelede occurs during
the day. Furthermore, as with any phenomenon, there are two type of traditions
concerning the origin of Gelede: the mythical and the historical (37). In
Yoruba mythology, it is believed that a woman holds innate power which can be
either good or evil. Such powers are
called, aje often translated as
‘witch’ or ‘My Mother.’ The negative tendencies of aje are believed to branch
from jealousy and competition within the polygamous setting of a Yoruba
compound. Another important role in Gelede ceremonies is played out through the
Chief priestess, Iyalase (82). She is
the head of the society and the ase
(the Gelede shrine), and she is the only one who can enter its divine quarters.
The Iyalase has to be of age and must understand the Yoruba herbs and liturgy.
In
further understanding of Gelede’s mythological origin, practices of a babalowo
were referred to in many cases. A diviner, or babalowo, was consulted during
times of trouble (Lawal 37-38). He memorizes rituals, or ese ifa, during training and then relates and interprets these
stories for clients who have a given problem. These clients are instructed to
follow the same steps as the mythical character, or orisa (gods), in order to resolve their problem. One ese ifa tells
a story of a woman named Yewajobi,
mother of all orisa and living things (39-40). She contacted the babalowo
because she could no longer bear children after marrying her husband, Oluweri. She was instructed to dance and
give sacrifices in honor of the orisa, and, in turn, she became fertile again.
She gave birth to two children: Efe and
Gelede. Efe was a jocular young man,
and Gelede was obese and enjoyed dancing like her mother. Efe and Gelede, as
well, had problems having children, but they, too, were advised to give
sacrifice and dance about with wooden images on their heads. Sure enough, they
both began having children.
In
addition to the performance in honor of orisa, Gelede’s most popular function
is to placate Iya Nla, the Great
Mother (or Mother Nature) (71). Iya Nla was a sea out of which land emerged and
life, humanity, and culture were sustained. Iya Nla loves music and dance. In
fact, her Earthly disciples, the powerful mothers, enjoy music and dance, as well.
They favor all who honor them with such entertainment. These rituals are
performed today as the Gelede masked dance which gives respect to powerful
mothers like Yewajobi and Iya Nla. The comical Efe mask is worn during the
nocturnal Efe ceremony, and the female Gelede mask is bulky and worn during the
day.
From
a historical perspective, the story of a town called Ketu seems to be the most
accredited origin of Gelede (Lawal 46-49). In a battle for the throne, two twin
sons, Edun and Akan, split apart. Edun fled
to a town called Ilobi to devise revenge on his brother, while Akan stayed
behind. When Akan arrived in Ilobi to look for his brother, he was scared away
by the device that his brother had built to keep him away. It consisted of
numerous strings and shells that sent chilling noises into the night. When Edun returned to Ketu to claim his throne, he
shared the secret of the strange noises with the community. The secret eventually developed into Gelede.
Still
another traditional respect for women unveils through Oriki (Barber 12). Oriki parallels with the English word,
definition, but goes deeper and exists on a more personal level: They are heavy
words, fused together into formulations that have exceptional density and
sensuous weight (12-13). They are special names that act as personal and family
descriptions. There are three specific types of oriki: oriki orisa (gods), personal
oriki (recognizes outstanding characteristics), and oriki orile (identifies large groups of people with common origin
in an ancient, named town). Oriki orile is the most common type and is used to
distinguish between houses. No oriki is specified for any particular occasion,
and each type can be combined. Depending on the person’s past and defining
characteristics, not all oriki are good. There is actually another category of
oriki that exists, akija, that deals
with negative incidents.
Oriki
are also used in marriage ceremonies. Throughout a young girlís childhood she
is exposed to numerous rituals and performances where oriki are used (Barber
96-99). By the time she is and adolescent, she has her own rara iyawo chant (or ekun
Iyawo) which is performed during weddings. Rara iyawo are made up mostly of
oriki orile. The girls chant to the bride in unison as the bride bids her own
rara iyawo and farewells. The bridal
laments are practiced extensively before the wedding day and are kept a secret.
However, unlike a mature woman, the bride has no chance to improve her public
performance by gradual, repeated exposure, because rara iyawo is only performed
on one occasion (105). After the wedding ceremony is over, it is considered
inappropriate to chant rara iyawo publicly.
In
preparation for her wedding, the bride must also pay homage to her future
husband’s family (108). Before entering into her new life, a woman undergoes a
three month process of induction into her new family. This process involves a
number of acts which demonstrate her willingness to contribute her labor and
property to her husband’s people. Aside from her job of dividing her belongings
amongst every member of the husband’s family, she performs symbolic acts that
convey her separation from her former status.
For example, on the day after the wedding, the husband’s female
relatives strip and wash the bride and then dress her in new clothes. The old clothes are then taken back to her
own family compound.
Some
women became experts in chanting and, therefore, joined cults along with other
devotees in dedication and worship of a particular orisa (Barber 99). It was
considered extremely important for young women to become familiar with chanting
called orisa pipe, which simply means
chants to the orisa. Older women would assist in this achievement through encouragement
and support. One such cult is the Gelede cult, iya un, otherwise known as our mothers. It refers to a select group
of women who have reached menopause and have special powers (Ibitokun 36). They
are the rightful owners of the Gelede ceremony, and all females are potential
iya un. Iya un have a lot of praise
names, or oriki, with various meanings-- especially during performances. One
example is adananlojuomi, meaning she
whose heart is the open sea (37).
In
conclusion, women had a huge impact on the traditional Yoruba society. Their
role as economic, political, medical, and religious leaders, as well as their
majestic role as mothers, proves their significance in the survival of mankind.
The sacred masks worn in the traditional Gelede ceremonies was and continues to
be a symbol of the community’s respect for, in addition to their dependence on
women.
Works
Cited
Barber,
Karin. I Could Speak Until Tomorrow. pg.12-13, 96-99, 105, 108
Barnes, Sandra
T. Ed. Africa’s Ogun. pg. 255 - 258
Buckley,
Anthony D. Yoruba Medicine. pg. 3
Drewal, Henry
John and Margret Thompson. Gelede. pg. 12, 225
Ibitokun,
Benedict M. Dance as a Ritual Drama
and Entertainment in the Gelede of the Ketu-Yoruba Subgroup in
Lawal, Babatunde. The Gelede Spectacle. pg. 34-40, 46-49, 71, 82
Middleton,
John and Rassam Amal Eds. Encyclopedia
of World Cultures. Vol IX. pg. 392
Spiro,
Heather. The Ilora Farm Settlement. pg. 6 - 9, XIII, XVI
Women and Culture: Yoruba
Women vs. American Women Folarin
(A)
Women vary from culture to culture.
Their ideas, perceptions, and mannerisms are often determined by their cultural
environment. Yoruba and American women serve as perfect paradigms of females
who are socialized in accordance with their culture. An analysis of how these
two different groups interact with their surroundings will reveal the effect
that cultural environment has on a woman’s role in the society.
One can first
observe the differences between the two female groups early in childhood. At
this point American women are being socialized to be slender,
pretty, and
marry their prince charming. Many young American girls have boyfriends as early
as age nine. Meanwhile young Yoruba girls are learning about work from their
mothers and older siblings. One huge difference which reflects different
patterns of socialization is evident in body image. American women often
complain and worry about their weight, but not Yoruba women.
Yoruba culture
does not pressure it’s female members to
fit any sort of weight requirement. In fact, it is rare to hear a Yoruba women
complain about her
weight. Yoruba
men are said to prefer plump women. A woman in the
Yoruba and American
women also vary greatly when it comes to courting and marriage. It is extremely
common for American women to date. Dating
provides them
opportunities for finding a mate. Co-habitation and pre-martial sex are also
common in American society. Dating is only common among the educated or college
individuals in Yoruba society. This is because they are the ones most
influenced by western culture and society. Pre-marital sex and co-habitation
are both things which (now) occur in Yoruba culture, but are considered very
taboo. Many Yoruba women find their husbands through arranged marriage. Parents
play a large role in determining who their daughter marries in Yorubaland.
Cultural
differences are responsible for the variations between Yoruba and American women.
This is most evident when a Yoruba woman comes to live in
the
In general American women are more
independent and career oriented than Yoruba women. This is not to say Yoruba women don’t like
independence, they just are more family oriented. Yoruba culture revolves
around the family unit. American society has somewhat lost that family
stability. Family stability is also reflected in the divorce rates of these two
cultures.
Finally, Yoruba women and American
women are both direct results of their socialization and culture. Their
attitudes and general actions reflect those which are considered the norm in
their different societies.
When some people think about oil,
and the major countries that produce it,
Foreign oil companies now search
intensely in Nigerian waters. It is estimated
that up to 20 billion barrels may be found in some of these newly discovered
reserves. In 1996 Shell announced the Bonga discovery. Bonga’s initial tests
produced 3,000 barrels per day, and the entire reserve may hold up to 1 billion
barrels. Shell also had a smaller discovery, Ngolo which has an estimated 100
billion barrels in reserves.
In January of 1999, Famfa Oil, a
local firm, announced the Agabami reserve. This field, which lies 70 miles off
shore, is believed to contain several hundred million barrels of recoverable
oil. The exploration for new oil continues now. Development in
Oil discovery is not without
dispute. Both
Most of
The fuel shortage problem troubles
The Ogoni Footnote:
Part of where
oil was rich in
This started a
lot of opposition from the government, and the leader, Ken Saro-Wiwa was imprisoned on several
occasions. In November of 1993, General Sanni Abacha took over the government,
and this was when the real trouble started for the Ogonis. The military started
terrorizing Ogoniland with arrests, rapes, executions, burnings and lootings.
It is believed that the Shell oil company was working with the government, and
this is part of the reason why there are many protests worldwide to boycott
Shell. In May 1994 Saro-Wiwa was abducted from his home and jailed along with
other MOSOP leaders and charged with the murder of four Ogoni leaders.
By this time,
the world was involved in the issue, and dismissed these charges as fraudulent.
While Ken Saro Wiwa was in detention, he was denied legal or medical help, and
he had 4 heart attacks while in jail. On
OPIN
IRINAJO
Yorùbá Omo Odùduwà
Papers on
Yoruba People, Language, and Culture
by
Yoruba
Language Program Students
Compiled
and Reviewed
by
Akinloye
Ojo (August, 1999)
===========================================================================
Mo lérò pé
e gbádùn un àwon èrò inú u àwon bébà wònyí. E seun.
E kúusé O
Akinloye Ojo@1999
[1] Equivalent to Christian God.
[2] The topic of John Mbiti’s Concepts of God in Africa is the discussion and exposition of traditional African beliefs.
[3]
Awolalu, J.Omosade,Yoruba Beliefs and Sacrificial Rites,
[4] Awolalu, pg. xiii.
[5] Awolalu, pg. xiii.
[6] Mbiti, pg. xiii.
[7] see note 1.
[8] Awolalu, PP 11-12.
[9] Awolalu, PP 12-18.
[10] Mbiti, pg. 161.
[11] The entire creation story can be located in Awolalu’s work that has been cited on pp. 12-13.
[12] Awolalu, pg. 15.
[14] Awolalu, PP 20-33.
[15] see Shango in the New World by William Bascom.
[16] Barnes,
Sandra T.,
[17] Awolalu, pg. 37.
[18] Awolalu, PP 41-48.
[19]
Scleicher, Antonia Yetunde Folarin, Je
K’ A So Yoruba ,