Muhammed Haron
Introduction:
After the Government of National Unity came to power
after South Africa’s first democratic elections, its members embarked upon
numerous reforms; amongst these was providing the necessary space for religious
traditions to freely function and operate. Islam, which belonged to the
marginalised religious traditions during the era of apartheid, was recognized
as one of the traditions which struggled alongside others to bring about social
justice in South Africa.
During the apartheid period the South African society
witnessed the gradual growth of Islam, particularly amongst the Africans. This
phenomena not only alarmed the Churches - particularly the Nederlandse
Gereformeerde Kerk which was the state church, but also those amongst the
government circles. This, as well as other developments, caused the 1986 NGK
synod to once again declare that “Islam was a false religion;” a view which
many of the Black churchgoers did not accept. In the 1960s the government and
the NGK church espoused the opinion that there were three dangers; these were
the spread of Communism, the entrenchment of Black power, and the challenge posed by Islam. The mere fact
that Islam was earmarked as one of the potential dangers in southern Africa has
led to many Blacks to ask questions about its philosophy and practices. Another
factor which also aroused their interest were the visits of Afro-American
Muslims such as Muhammad ‘Ali, the former world boxing champion, and Farakhan,
the leader of the Nation of Islam.
This article intends to explore the existence of
Islamic culture amongst the Nguni (Xhosa and Zulus) peoples. However, before
commentary is provided on this, two aspects will first have to be discussed;
the one is the historical link-up between the Nguni and the Muslims on South
African soil, and the other is a comparative inventory of the two cultures.
Nguni's identity & location:
The South African population, according to the 1996
census, is approximately 43 million. Since the statistics reflect the different
racial categories which have been created by apartheid’s architects, it is
useful to retain them to show the number of adherents to Islam within in each
group. The four major groups are:
Whites (5 million), Coloureds (5 million), Indians (1 million) and Africans (32
million). The latter have been further divided into their respective tribal
affiliations such as the Nguni, Sotho, Venda, Tsonga and Herero-Ovambo. Each of
these tribal groupings have, in turn, been subdivided into their different
clans who speak their specific dialects. For example, the Nguni speakers are
composed of four tribes, namely the Swazis, Ndebeles, Xhosas and Zulus. The
latter two are the two largest South African groups and they are located along
the coastal regions streching from the
Cape to Mozambiques’ border. Over the decades, the socio-economic conditions
forced many of them to trek from the rural to the urban areas.
Contact with Islam:
In the cities they came into close contact with
members of the three Abrahamic traditions. Since the 19th century many
missionary organizations such as the London Missionary Society were active
amongst the Africans. Even though they were successful in Christianizing many
Africans, there were groups who opted to remain faithful to their African
traditional religion and others who integrated their beliefs with the Christian
faith giving rise to the emergence of an indigenous church such as the Zionist
Church of South Africa.
Recent sources reveal that African tribes in southern
Africa came into contact with Islam at a fairly early period, however Islam did
not make any significant impact at that juncture in their history. Moreover, a small number living in the Northern
and Mpumalanga Provinces respectively had made contact with Muslim Arab traders
who were the carriers of Islamic culture and who had reached as far as
Mozambique. One tribe, namely the Lemba who is a sub-group of the Venda, has
moreover adopted some of the Islamic traditions such as abstinence from
consuming pork and slaughtering their meat according to Islamic law.
Throughout the 20th century contact between the
Muslims and the Africans has been on the increase and very visible in the main
urban areas such as Johannesburg, Durban, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town. Most of
the South African Muslims had been classified `Coloureds' (and forms part of
the subgroup known as ‘Malays’) and ‘Indians.’
Although they only constitute about 1,8% of the total population, they
have been part of the South African demographic landscape for more tha three
centuries. The first Muslims arrived at the Cape in the mid-17th century as Dutch colonialists’ slaves; they were
brought from the Melayu and Indian worlds. At the Cape they made tangible
contact with Muslims from other parts of the African continent. In 1860 the
British colonialists brought another batch of Muslims from India to Kwa-Zulu
Natal province; some of them were indentured labourers whilst others were free
passengers. Their arrival also coincided with the coming in 1873 of the Swahili
and Arabic -speaking Zanzibaris; and they were later joined by a fair number of
Malawians who came to work on the Gauteng mines.
Despite their presence in South Africa for such a long
period, there is little oral and written evidence to suggest that Islamic
culture directly or indirectly impacted upon Nguni culture over these
centuries. There is however a view which opines that when the Muslims set-up
home-based schools to disseminate their religious thoughts, they warmly
accomodated the slave children as well as the Nguni children. Tangible contact
between Muslims and Africans only appeared to have taken place from the
beginning of the 20th century, and this has developed into the creation of
strong bonds.
Moreover, due to the rapid socio-political
transformation during the last four decades of the 20th century and because of
the Christian missionary activities in the 1950s and 1960s amongst Muslims,
Muslim missionaries came to the defence of Islam and made a concerted effort to
carry the message of Islam to the Africans. Organizations such as the Islamic
Missionary Society (Johannesburg), Islamic Propagation Centre (Durban) and the
Al-Jihad Islamic Movement (Cape Town) were very active during the mentioned
period to convert Africans and others to Islam; the title of IMS’s magazine,
for example, “Muslim Africa” clearly captured its focus. In the 1970s the
Muslim Youth Movement of South Africa (est.1970) played a crucial role in
undertaking missionary work in Kwa-Zulu Natal via their missionary wing called
the Islamic Movement of Kwa-Zulu & Natal; it was however renamed the Islamic Da'wah Movement of South Africa
(IDMSA) in the 1980s when it separated from its parent-body. And by then, it
undertook missionary activities in more than thirty townships across South
Africa. IDMSA’s activities were later complemented by those of the
Johannesburg-based and Kuwayti-funded Africa Muslim Agency whose activities are
not only confined to South Africa. Through the efforts of these and many other Muslim organizations, Mosques
(eg. in Soweto), Muslim schools (eg. in Mamelodi), Islamic Centres [in Mabopane
(Transvaal), Kwamashu (Natal) and Guguletu (Cape)] and secular schools [the
Cassiem Thombela High school (Durban)] were established. These institutions
have played important roles in disseminating Islamic culture in the various densely
populated African regions. In addition to them, there have been a fair number
of individuals who have also contributed very vigourously to da`wah in South
Africa; some of these were done in an informal and unofficial manner.
Many Muslims in the Cape, for example, were artisans and semi-skilled labourers who came
into close contact with unskilled Xhosa-speaking Nguni labourers in the building trade. It is in
these circumstances that the urban African came to meet and know Mslams
(i.e. Muslims) and their Islamic culture. In many cases, the relationship
between the Muslim artisans and the Nguni-Xhosa-speaking labourers was not very
cordial. Although apartheid was a major factor which contributed towards this
disharmony between the various ethnic groups, the Muslims themselves acted
discrimately towards the Africans. And
it was perhaps in these conditions that the derogatory term `kaffir' (which
means `unbeliever' in Arabic) came to be used; it is a term which the Afrikaner
Boers tactfully appropriated to describe the Africans. Even though the
conditions were not the same in Natal, the relationship between the Indian
Muslims and the Nguni-Zulu-speakers was somewhat worse. Many Indian Muslims
employed them but did not pay them a livable wage nor did they treat them
humanely. Consequently, the relationship led to certain prejudices which
ultimately snowballed into continuous racial conflict and misunderstandings in
both groups. This relationship also caused the Africans to have a truncated
perception of Islam and the Muslims; they, in fact, are generally under the
impression that all the `Indians' adhered to the same religion and therefore
thought that the Muslims are `Hindus'. However, due to the infiltration of the
Zanzibaris and Malawians into the provinces of KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng
respectively, a clearer understanding of Islam was provided; this has mainly
been because of their interaction and intermarriage with members of the Nguni
peoples.
According to the 1921 statistics African Muslims
numbered about 1,896 out of an African population of approximately 4 m. In 1936
their numbers decreased to 1,440 (out of 6.5 million). By 1970 and 1980 they
were 8,896 (out of 15.4 million) and 12,499 (out of 22 million) respectively.
The 1992 estimate stands at 18,000 (out of 25 million). This indicates that the
growth of Islam within the African population, on the whole, has been very
slow. Two reasons may be forwarded for this. The one is the widespread racial
prejudice which exists between the Muslims and Nguni and other African
communities; and the other is that the Muslims do not mix freely with them nor
do they speak any of the indigenous African languages. Despite their small
numbers and slow growth, the Muslims were nevertheless able to make inroads
into the very social structure of the Nguni people. Before commenting upon
these, the two distinct cultures will be briefly compared.
Comparing the two cultures:
Amongst the Ngunis there exists an idea of the Supreme
Being (Unkulunkulu [Zulu] or Qamata
ka tayi [Xhosa]).
However, since their belief system underwent an evolutionary process, the
Supreme Being was eventually replaced by the ancestors/spirits who are regarded
as guardians of morality and act as mediators between man and the Supreme
Being. Since the Islamic concept of Tawhid (i.e.Absolute Unity of God)
does not permit any form of intermediaries, the Ngunis who embraced Islam,
whilst remaining respectful towards their ancestors/spirits, redirected
themselves to believing in the Supreme Being.
The Nguni belief system is intertwined with their rich
culture and it is quite common to witness how their culture pervades the
religious rituals for all institutions such as birth, marriage and death. There
are remarkable similarities between certain Nguni marriage customs and Muslim
marriages. The marriage institution does not differ when it comes to the
payment of the dowry (lobola [Xhosa]/mahr [Arabic]) or polygamous
marriages; the labola is paid in cattle and those who do not possess
cattle are expected to pay in cash. In contemporary South African Muslim
society it is normally paid in cash and kind. However, the couples' families,
in both traditions, have to agree to the marriage before matters can proceed.
The impact of western culture has caused the adherents of both traditions to
abandon practices such as these. Also, polygamy, which is an accepted Islamic
practice (on condition that the man is able to be just towards his wives), was
widely practiced in almost all the African tribes in South Africa. The urbanized
African, however due to his circumstances, has largely maintained a monogamous
status form of marriage.
The urbanized African has, because of his social
conditions, probably induldged in premarital sex; an act which has been
reprehensible by both the African and Islamic traditions. Thus the birth of a
child out of wedlock meant that - in both traditions - the child did not adopt
the father's family name but that of the mother. And according to Islamic law,
the child was also not allowed to inherit from the father.
When it comes to the birth of an Nguni child certain
rituals are performed and animals are slaughtered as a sign of sacrifice to
please the ancestral spirits. Something similar happens in the Islamic
tradition. The institution of `aqiqa is almost the same except that the
sacrifice is made only to the Supreme Being, namely Allah, which is a sign of
obedience and a form of worship.
After child birth the Nguni woman normally experiences
the continuous flow of blood (isikhundla [Xhosa]) and her monthly
menstrual cycle also restarts. During these periods the woman is considered
impure and thus no sexual relations is expected to occur. The same view is
prevalent amongst the Muslims. However, Muslims do allow for daily interaction
between husband and wife and free movement within the family. Among some of the
Nguni tribes any form of contact between spouses during this period is
forbidden.
After the death of the husband a waiting period (inzilo
[Xhosa], `iddah [Arabic]) is instituted. However, the Nguni
tradition expects the widow or widower to mourn for approximately six months
during which no free mixing may occur. In Islam the period for the widow is
much shorter (four months and ten days) with the specific objective of
ascertaining whether the widow is pregnant or not.
Islam's impact amongst the Nguni:
Now that a brief comparative perspective has been
provided of both traditions focus will be upon the impact of Islamic culture
upon some aspects of the Nguni tradition. The most important area in which the
impact is most visible is in the belief system. It should, however, also be
remembered that in the process of undertaking Islamic missions the Muslims met
many Nguni-speakers who were Christians; this therefore meant that their
emphasis and focus had to be upon both the Christian and African traditional
religion belief systems.
Whilst the Nguni peoples were absorbing the beliefs of
their `new' tradition they also became acquainted with the usage of certain
oft-quoted Arabic phrases. Thus it is currently very common to hear the Xhosa
or Zulu-speaking person express a wish and adding the phrase in sha` Allah
(If Allah so wishes - xa umdali evuma [Xhosa]) or if something good
occured the person says ma sha` Allah (What Allah had desired). These and
other similar phrases helped to conscientize and reinforce the concept of
Tawhid and it also made them aware of the importance of the Arabic
language. Many have taken a course in learning the basic Arabic alphabet so
that they may recite the Qur`an and repeat the familiar Arabic phrases; this
has indirectly helped to advance the literacy campaign amongst the Africans.
Islamic practices seem to have left a mark on the
Nguni name-giving ceremonies. The Nguni families believe strongly in giving the
children praiseworthy names. Sometimes the Arabic names, which were chosen,
were synonyms of their Xhosa or Zulu names or else they complemented the
meaning of these names in these languages. Because of the revolutionary climate
in South Africa and the Middle East, an interesting phenomena has arisen. Some
African Muslims have strongly identified with the names of Arab leaders such as
Qadhdhafi who were recognized as revolutionaries. The ceremonial sacrifices,
which were normally undertaken whenever a child is born, were made to express
their obedience and submission to Allah alone. This has been a direct departure
from their tribal practices which expected them to show their allegience to
their ancestors.
When the Nguni-Xhosa-speaking boy reaches the age of
puberty, he is expected to attend an initiation school where he is circumcised
(ie. abakwetha) and in which he is taught the duties and
responsibilities of adulthood. The boy normally attends this school for a
period of approximately three months until the wound has healed; and during
this time, the initiate is smeared with white ash or clay (ikota/ifutha
[Xhosa]) and is isolated from the rest. Among the Xhosa-speakers the
circumcision is seen as a separation between the boy's manhood from his
childhood. The young Muslim Xhosa-speakers generally do not however circumcise
immediately after their conversion; they, in fact, wait until they attain
puberty to attend the initiation school. Zulu-speakers also used to circumcise
their boys but have stopped this practice a few decades ago. This clearly
indicates that they still desire to adhere to some of their traditions. Of
late, however, those who have been born into Muslim families are less loyal to
their African traditions and are usually circumcised during the first few
months after their birth.
After the boys and girls attain adulthood they are
expected to dress the tribal garb and to partake in gatherings which encourages
loveplay and flirtatious bantering. Many young Nguni men and women, after
having entered Islam, stop participating in these gatherings. They therefore do
not display their naked breasts to the young men at the mentioned gatherings
since Islam strictly prohibited this and other similar acts; this thus meant
that they had to discard their customary clothing so that they may observe the
Islamic code of dress. The men occasionally donned the long dresses (which
means `thobes' in Arabic) worn by the Arab men. Since this has been
common amongst contemporary South African Muslims, many of them chose to wear
this in order to reflect their identity as Muslims. The young Nguni women cover
themselves completely as required by Islamic law.
At the time of death, African converts to Islam have
adopted the Muslim method of burial; and they have also requested the
govermental authorities to be buried in the graveyard specifically allocated to
the Muslims. They therefore wash the body and thereafter clad the body in a
white sheet. The widow is thus expected to observe the Islamic rites in terms
of the `waiting period'. However, since there is no big difference between
Islam and the Nguni culture as far as the mourning period is concerned they
normally also observe rules as prescribed by their African tradition.
The process of cultural change has also impacted upon
the very social structure of the Nguni society. It is common knowledge that the
tribal structures are based upon the fact that the chief is the main
spokesperson and guide. Much effort was and is still being made by Muslim
missionaries to convert the king of the Zulus and chiefs amongst the Xhosas in
order that many of the tribesmen enter the fold of Islam. They have gone to the
extent of preparing handbills in the Nguni languages and of translating the
Qur'an into Zulu and some Quranic chapters into Xhosa. Until now these efforts
have not been able to yield any fruits. Nevertheless, the Muslim Xhosa-speaker
or Zulu-speaker still maintains a certain amount of loyalty to the king and the
chiefs. But it should, however, be pointed out that due to process of urbanization
and the lack of commitment to the tribal traditions his dependence upon the
king or chief's leadership has decreased. Moreover, many Africans who were
priests inherited the mantle of imamate even though they were never
trained for it. During the past few years a number of Muslim educational
institutions such as As-Salaam Educational Institute (Braemer-Natal) have been
established to specifically serve the needs of African Muslims. Of late, some
of them have been sent to Middle Eastern and Asian educational institutions to
be trained as Shaykhs in order to serve their respective communities. Those who
have graduated from these institutions have come to play an important role in
weaving Nguni culture into the framework of Islam and without causing any
unnecessary protests or fears that Islam will be or is being undermined by the
Nguni culture.
MUHAMMED HARON
Department of Arabic Studies
University of the Western Cape
SOUTH AFRICA
May 1998