Novelist and political writer. From a family of tenant farmers in Pescina dei Marsi. A Socialist Party organizer from 1917, was already writing for the Party newspaper before the end of World War I. A founder member (along with Gramsci, Bordiga, Togliatti) of the Italian Communist Party (Leghorn, 1921). For nearly ten years Silone worked under- ground as a Party journalist, propagandist and organizer, at a time when the Party was declared illegal, and most of his contacts were abroad. His break with the Party comes in 1928, and is described in Emergency Exit (see below). Settled in Davos, Switzerland, in 1930. His first novel, Fontamara (1930) was huge international success, followed by Bread and Wine (1937). Both published in Italy in the 1950's. Returns to Italy after World War II. Editor of Tempo Presente in the 50's. A socialist until his death.
Main works:
Fontamara (1930)
Bread and Wine (1937)
School for Dictators (1938)
Emergency Exit (essays) (1965)
[This episode marks a decisive stage in the process that would lead Silone to break with the C.P. and to a life of exile in Switzerland. The official reason for a summoning of the central Executive of the Comintern (Moscow 1927) was to discuss a pamphlet written by Trotsky on the betrayal of Mao Tse Tung's communists by the Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-Shek. The real reason was to find a legalistic means of purging Trotsky from the Party. Trotsky's expulsion in fact followed within the year and coincides with Silone's own decision to leave, and with the rise of Stalin as undisputed leader of Russian and world communism.]
In a speech of April 15, 1927, in the presence of the Moscow Soviets, Stalin had sung the praises of Chiang Kai-Shek, and confirmed his personal confidence in the Kuomintang; this was barely a week before the famous anti-Communist `volte face' of the Chinese Nationalist leader and his party. The Communists were expelled from the Kuomintang overnight, tens of thousands of workers were massacred in Shanghai and, a month later, in Wuhan. It was natural therefore that Stalin should have been anxious to avoid a debate on these matters, seeking to protect himself behind a screen of `raison d'‚tat'.
Ernst Th„lmann (the German president of the meeting) asked me if I were satisfied with Stalin's explanation. "I do not contest the right of the Political Office of the Russian Communist Party to keep any document secret," I said. "But I do not understand how others can be asked to condemn a document which they have not read." At this, indignation against myself and Togliatti*, who appeared to agree with everything I had said, knew no bounds. It was especially violent on the part of the Finn, Kuusinen, a Bulgarian and one or two Hungarians...
The only person who remained calm and imperturbable was Stalin. He said, "If a single delegate is against the proposed resolution, it should not be presented." Then he added, "Perhaps our Italian comrades are not fully aware of our internal situa- tion. I propose that the sitting be suspended until tomorrow and that one of those present should be assigned the task of spending the evening with our Italian comrades and explaining our internal situation to them." The Bulgarian Vasil Kolarov was given this ungrateful task.
He carried it out with tact and good humor. He invited us to have a glass of tea that evening in his room at the Hotel Lux. And he faced up to the thorny subject without much preamble. "Let's be frank," he said to us with a smile. "Do you think I've read that document? No, I haven't. To tell you the truth, I must
* Palmiro Togliatti: Born in Sardinia. Future head of the Italian Communist Party in exile. Spent several years during the 30's in Moscow. Later one of the writers of the Post War Italian Constitution. An article published by Togliatti in L'Unit… (hostile to Silone) substantiates the essential accuracy of the above events.
add that the document doesn't even interest me. Even if Trotsky sent me a copy here secretly, I'd refuse to read it. My dear Italian friends, this isn't a question of documents. I know Italy is a country of academies, but we aren't in an academy here. We are in the thick of a struggle for power between two rival groups of the Russian Central Directorate. Which of the groups are we going to support? That's the point. Documents have nothing to do with it. It's not a question of finding the historical truth about an unsuccessful Chinese revolution. It's a question of a struggle for power between two hostile, irreconcilable groups. We have to choose. I, for my part, have already chosen, I'm for the majority. Documents don't interest me. We aren't in an academy here." He refilled our glasses with the air of a schoolmaster obliged to deal with two unruly youngsters. "Do I make myself clear?" he asked, addressing me specifically.
"Certainly," I replied, "very clear indeed." "Have I persuaded you?" He asked again. "No," I said. "And why not?" he wanted to know. "I should have to explain to you," I said, "why I'm against Fascism." Kolarov pretended to be indignant, while Togliatti expressed his opinion in more moderate, but no less succinct terms. "One can't just declare oneself for the majority or minority in advance," he said. "One can't ignore the political basis of the question."
Kolarov listed to us with a benevolent smile of pity. "You're still too young," he explained as to accompanied us to the door. "You haven't yet understood what politics are all about."
(From: Emergency Exit, 1965)The content and opinions expressed on this Web page do not necessarily reflect the views of nor they endorsed by the University of Georgia or the University System of Georgia.