Research statistics indicate that African-Americans are at increased risk for contracting the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), the precursor of acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS). According to a recent survey of national health, Blacks account for only 12% of the U.S. population, but comprise close to 30% of the AIDS cases (Hinkle et al., 1992). Included among those most currently at risk for acquiring HIV are poor, urban Black women: approximately 53% of all women infected with the AIDS virus are African-American (Smith & Moore, 1993). It is clear that efforts must be made to examine and prevent the spread of AIDS among this community of women.
Many of the current studies of minority women and AIDS have examined the relationship between their attitudes and knowledge about AIDS and sexual behavior (Hardy & Biddlecom, 1992; Jemmott & Jemmott, 1992; Hinkle et al., 1992). However, it has been consistently demonstrated that there is a significant gap between an individual's knowledge about AIDS and her safe sexual practices. While the focus has been on effective prevention, it appears that there has been little broad theoretical exploration of the factors which may influence the development of women's sexuality in general, and Black women's sexuality in particular. Even less research has been conducted on the relationship between sexuality and "such normative processes as identity development" (Murry & Long, 1993). Researchers have come to recognize that the behavior of individuals in any particular domain often reflects their sense of self within the context of that domain (Rosenberg & Kaplan, 1982). It then seems plausible that the sexual behavior of women may be the manifestation of the way they view themselves as sexual beings. Sexual behavior may develop out of a woman's sexual sense of self, or her sexual identity.
Chilman's theory is unique in that it addresses the development of female sexuality across the lifespan, and it acknowledges a significant relationship between identity development and sexual behavior. Central to her theory is her belief that sexuality develops positively or negatively from the interaction among a number of factors, including psychological, social, economic and political ones. Within her framework, Chilman indicates that it is important to note the influence of a wide range of characteristics, including social class and race, as they impact reference group attitudes, beliefs, and norms regarding sexual behavior. In essence, Chilman's work affirms the significance of the relationship between a women's sexuality and/or sexual behavior and her sense of self.
The breadth of Chilman's framework, along with its attempts to describe the influence of multiple factors on the development of sexuality, is important in that it highlights the need to consider this development of sexuality from a broad systemic view, as well as from an individualistic one. Chilman recognizes the importance of viewing the sexual behavior of individuals within the sociocultural context in which it occurs. As previously stated, this framework acknowledges the relationship between identity and sexual behavior; however, its focus remains primarily on behavioral outcome, and as such does little to illuminate the processes of this relationship. We suggest that the exploration of Black women's sexual identity may yield critical information which may be useful in designing and implementing more effective strategies for reducing the risk of AIDS within this population of women.
It has been well documented that sexual promiscuity and exploitation of female slaves was common and even encouraged by slavemasters (Staples, 1972, 1973, 1978). Staples (1973) notes that "the function of the female slave was to breed additional slaves," as well as to satisfy the sexual appetites of white slavemasters. Black women were "forcibly subjected to the carnal desires of any male who took fancy to [them], including the slavemaster, his overseer, or any male slave" (Staples, 1973, p. 13),and were systematically abused as sexual objects. The myth of Jezebel or the "loose" Black woman is the product of this system of sexual torture and abuse. The image of the lusty, insatiable Black woman was a fantasy constructed in the minds of white men, in an effort to heighten the contrast between her behavior and the so-called sexual purity of white women, as well as to justify their sexual exploitation of her (Staples, 1972, 1973; Wade-Gayles, 1984).
Most commonly portrayed as heavy set, having dark skin and traditional African features, the Mammy has been characterized as unattractive, asexual, and unsuitable as a sexual partner:
Created to justify the economic exploitation of house slaves and sustained to explain Black women's long-standing restriction to domestic service, the Mammy image represents the normative yardstick used to evaluate all Black women's behavior. By loving, nurturing and caring for her white children and family better than her own, the Mammy symbolized the dominant group's perceptions of the ideal Black female relationship to elite white male power. (Collins, 1990, p. 71)According to this well-constructed myth, outside of mothering, Mammy has no desires or needs of her own, and is quite content in her subordination (Collins, 1990; Wilson, 1986).
Similarly, the most salient features of the Sapphire myth of Black female sexuality are her lack of femininity, her sexless, harshly aggressive nature, and her inclination to emasculate the Black male at every opportunity. This image of the Black woman is deeply rooted in commonly held beliefs regarding the so-called matriarchal structure of the Black family. Staples (1972) notes that in large part the patriarchal family structure is based on the economic dependence of the female on her male partner. Because American society traditionally has denied Black men the economic opportunities necessary to support their families, Black women, during slavery and beyond, often have been forced to be independent of Black men for economic support. This is in contradiction to the traditional roles assumed by white women vis-àa-vis their relationship with white males. As a consequence of Black women's need to be more self-reliant than their white counterparts, the Black family has been falsely characterized as matriarchal. Often Black women are portrayed as caretakers who are devoid of sexuality and as such have been subjected to a process of symbolic de-feminization. Collins (1990) states that these "controlling images of Black women are not simply grafted onto existing social institutions but are so pervasive that even though the images themselves change in the popular imagination, Black women's portrayal of the Other persists" (p. 78). Therefore, it is important to consider how such images influence the sexual identity development of Black women.
Wilson (1986) suggests that such "limiting and conflicting images offer distorted, often negative models to the young Black girl" who is striving to establish a sense of sexual identity (p. 35). Boyd (1993) notes that the absence of positive Black female images on the pages of the books she read throughout childhood influenced her sense of her developing self, placing some constraints on her ability to view herself as "a confident and powerful Black woman" (p. 4). Should such constricted views of the self persist, they ultimately may become internalized and central to one's set of personal beliefs about oneself (Boyd, 1993, pp. 3-6). Distorted images of Black women's sexuality may strongly impact their overall self-concept and self-esteem, and more specifically, the degree to which they are able to view themselves as non-deficient, efficacious, and powerful within a sexual context.
Clearly, negative stereotypes and myths regarding Black women's sexuality are prevalent within American culture and reflect her devalued position within it. That such falsehoods persist, that they are continuously propagated in the literature and mass media, speak directly to Black women's oppressed status in American society. It is as a result of their powerlessness that so often they are denied the freedom of self-definition, and instead must struggle constantly to "defy culturally imposed negative identities" (Bell-Scott, 1994).
Often African-American women are hindered by fewer years of education, higher rates of unemployment, over-representation in low-status, low-paying jobs, and significantly higher rates of poverty than those of whites and Black men (Collins, 1990; Gutiérrez, 1990; Lykes, 1983; Reid & Comas-Diaz, 1990). Within the professional realm, they commonly are under-represented in positions of power and generally are denied sufficient access to necessary social and material resources (Cox, 1993; Gutiérrez, 1990). Black women tend to suffer from poorer mental and physical health outcomes than do other groups, irrespective of their socioeconomic status (Thoits, 1983; Gutiérrez, 1990).
The inability to cope with stressful life events is often the focus of discussions regarding the link between health outcomes and women of color's membership in devalued groups. However, Gutiérrez (1990) advocates an empowerment perspective when considering such issues. She asserts that issues of power and powerlessness are central to the experiences of women of color. It might be more useful to examine the effect that powerlessness has on women of color's ability to exercise personal control within many areas of their lives, including their sexuality.
[A] sense of control over one's life. . . . It expresses itself at the level of feelings, . . . ideas about self worth, . . . being able to make a difference in the world around us. . . . We all have it as potential. It does not need to be purchased, nor is it a scarce commodity. (p. 17)
Similarly, poet Nikki Giovanni declares that, while perceptions of powerlessness abound, actual powerlessness is rare. She is quoted by Claudia Tate (1983) as saying, "We've got to live in the real world. If we don't like the world we're living in, change it. And if we can't change it, we change ourselves" (p.68). Gutiérrez (1990) explains that such definitions of empowerment emphasize combining a sense of personal control with the ability to impact behavior of others, focusing on the enhancement of existing strengths of individuals and/or communities, and believing that power is an available resource that can be generated through the process of empowerment.
Issues of personal control and power are often pivotal in women's sexual relationships. Fullilove & Reynolds (1984) note that women enter negotiations around sexuality from a significantly different power base than do men. Within the context of their relations with men, Black women may view their power as limited not only by their roles as women in a patriarchy, but also as a result of the scarcity of available Black men in their communities. Similarly, Wyatt (1982) emphasizes the link between Black women's sexuality and issues of power. She suggests that as a result of slavery, African women and their African-American descendants have been subjected to sexual abuse and exploitation tantamount to no other group of women; she further submits that Black women are just beginning to experience what she calls "sexual ownership," or the right to make decisions regarding the expression of their sexuality. It is likely, however, that many women have still yet to begin such a process.
In a study conducted by Wyatt (1982), Black women indicated that their parents and the church strongly censored discussions around sexuality and sexual expression outside of the context of marriage. These women indicated that the communication of such prohibitive messages was an effort to defuse myths and negative images regarding the hypersexuality of Black women, as well as to minimize the chances that early pregnancy might lead them to forfeited opportunities for educational and economic advancement (Wyatt, 1982). Thus, it appears that Black women may encounter very few experiences which encourage them to actively consider sexual issues, let alone develop a positive, well-formed sexual sense of self. Such active consideration and development is likely to precede significant increases in safe sexual practices and decreases in sexual risk-taking behaviors among Black women. Therefore, these authors suggest that Gutiérrez' (1990) model of empowerment offers a promising framework for conceptualizing Black women's sexual identity development, particularly as it relates to promoting safe sexual behaviors within this population.
Gutiérrez (1990) suggests that empowerment is a continual process of growth and change that occurs throughout the life- cycle. According to Gutiérrez (1990), empowerment, rather than a specific state, is an action-based approach which "occurs on the individual, interpersonal, and institutional levels, where the person develops a sense of personal power, an ability to affect others, and an ability to work with others to change social institutions" (p. 150). Four psychological changes appear to be critical in propelling individuals from indifference and/or hopelessness into action: increasing self-efficacy, developing group consciousness, reducing self-blame, and assuming personal responsibility for change (Gutiérrez, 1990). There are several important implications of this framework for improving AIDS prevention strategies for Black women.
Self-efficacy has been defined as an individual's perception that she has the ability to produce and regulate life events. Cognitive literature indicates that improvement in feelings of efficacy are associated with developing a sense of personal power or strength, developing a sense of mastery and client initiative, or increasing the client's ability to act (Pinderhughes, 1984; Gutiérrez, 1990). Thus it would seem reasonable to assume that increasing Black women's belief that they can be efficacious within the context of their sexual interactions is likely to precede any significant behavioral changes within that context.
The formation of a group consciousness generally involves developing a more systemic view of the world and important life events. Gutiérrez (1990) suggests that it involves developing an awareness of the role of political structures in impacting the experiences of both individuals and groups. According to empowerment theory, the development of such a perspective results in a re-definition of individual, group, or community problems emerging from a lack of power. Group consciousness also promotes a sense of belonging and connectedness within the individual. "A sense of shared fate" (Gutiérrez, 1990, p. 150) may be particularly important for mobilizing Black women to make group efforts to reclaim and exercise their personal control regarding the circumstances under which they express themselves sexually.
Closely related to consciousness raising is reducing self- blame. As Black women redefine their sexual and racial oppression in terms of a broader, political perspective, it is anticipated that they will attribute the consequences of many related, negative life experiences to external rather than internal factors. It is expected that such cognitive and attributional changes will result in a reduction of impairing psychological states such as depression and immobilization, both strongly associated with feelings of self-blame (Gutiérrez, 1990).
However, this reduction of self-blame must accompany the assumption of personal responsibility for change. Gutierrez (1990) indicates that individuals who do not feel responsible for their problems are unlikely to invest effort in generating solutions for them. Thus, it appears that emphasizing the impact of individuals, groups, and communities of Black women in influencing the course of their own sexual development and behavior may be essential for designing more effective strategies for the prevention of AIDS.
Toward this end, young girls and women might benefit from increased networking among women in their communities. Grassroots organizations emphasizing mentoring programs, group dialogue, and a 'women helping women' orientation might be created to help socialize young girls into a more womanist ideology. Pre-existing organizations which have a strong foothold in the Black community (Black sororities, fraternities, and benevolent associations, and Black churches) also might serve as conduits through which young women may gain increased self- knowledge and awareness, such that they begin to realize the collective strength and power of women, as well as gain a sense of individual empowerment.
Via these organizations and other less formal community gatherings of women, programs need to be created which would best serve young Black women by helping to socialize them into womanhood in a very direct and concrete manner. Within these contexts young women could be encouraged to explore issues related to their femininity and sexuality from a broader, life- span perspective. These gatherings might serve as forums for discussing the collective and individual impacts of race, class, and gender on the development of women. Young women could be engaged in discussions and activities designed to help counter negative stereotypes of Black women; participants could assist one another in constructing for themselves alternative, healthier self-images, ones reflecting the reality of their experiences as women rather than the fictive imagination of the dominant culture.
It would be important for these discussions to focus on sexuality as a broad concept, in addition to specific sexual behaviors and related sequelae, such as pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. Such experiences would serve not only to expand black women's views of their sexuality, but also to increase the repertoire of activities designed to express it. Such an elaboration of ideology and perspective might result in more constructive expressions of sexuality and safer sexual practices.
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Stephanie Brown received her B.S. in psychology
from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and her M.A. in
psychology from California State University at Los Angeles.
Currently, she is a doctoral student in the Program of Clinical
Psychology at the University of Georgia. Her research interests
include issues of self-concept, the influence of ethnicity on
identity development, and diversity management.
Lily McNair obtained her A.B. in psychology from Princeton University and her Ph.D. in clinical psychology from the State University of New York at Stony Brook. Presently, she is an Assistant Professor of Psychology at the University of Georgia. Her research interests include alcohol expectancies and risky sexual behavior, and the roles of race and gender in therapy.
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