This article provides a brief overview of identified trends and consequences of sexual activity among United States adolescent females, with special emphasis on Blacks. My interest in this topic, as a woman scholar and member of the Black race, occurred approximately a decade ago. It was during this era that our society declared adolescent pregnancy a "national epidemic." Presented via several modes of communication were data substantiating that the Black race was being replenished by our "children having children." As a member of this race and an inquisitive researcher, I sought to know more about the following: 1) whether the conclusions were based on evidence; 2) if so, the kind of evidence upon which these conclusions were based; 3) whether the characterization was an over- generalization of the phenomenon; and 4) if not, the circumstances/factors that might contribute to this phenomenon.
It is not and never was my intent to discount the "grave" concern about pregnancy and childbirth among adolescent girls, Blacks specifically. This concern is warranted given that more than 1 million adolescents become pregnant each year, about half of them decide to give birth, and 90 percent keep and raise their children. In 1989, two-thirds of the total births in the United States were to unmarried adolescent girls -- 190,000 White, 140,000 Black, and 10,500 of other racial backgrounds. Further, females aged 14 years or younger account for approximately 12,000 births annually (National Center for Health Statistics, 1991). Often mentioned in these statistics is that Blacks are disproportionately represented.
An observation that I and other scholars have made regarding this field of research is that the majority of studies on Black girls tends to be based on data obtained from both nonprobability and convenience clinical samples of low-income youth. Information from these youth is then compared to data from middle-income Whites (Chilman, 1980; Murry, 1992; Weddle, McKenry, & Leigh, 1988). Such sampling bias not only gives a distorted view of adolescents' sexual behavior pattern, but also fosters stereotypes and perpetuates myths that "Blacks are more sexually permissive than are Whites" (Reiss, 1965, p.51) and that "out-of-wedlock" pregnancy and childbearing are more socially acceptable in the Black community (Miller & Bingham, 1989).
The widely publicized adolescent pregnancy "epidemic" of the 1980s resulted in a major emphasis on trying to determine "why children are having children." The urgent need to understand this trend seems to have placed other aspects of adolescent sexuality on the back burner. This has occurred even though research data clearly illustrate that not all adolescents, including Blacks, are sexually active, pregnant, or unwed mothers. Recognizing the variation in the sexual behavior pattern of adolescents, a few researchers, including myself, have begun to conduct within-group investigations to further understand issues of sexuality among Black females (Hogan & Kitagawa, 1985; Murry, 1994; Scott-Jones & Turner, 1988; Wyatt, Peters, & Guthrie, 1988). Results from both national and regional studies have revealed the following with regard to the sexual career paths of Black females.
Yet, despite these statistics, the majority of attention is devoted to those who become pregnant and decide to keep and raise their babies. One cannot ignore the incidence of unwed adolescent parenthood and risk of HIV/AIDS in the Black community. There are no conclusive solutions or magic bullets to combat these problems. At the same time, much can be learned by focusing more on those girls who are making decisions that place them at less risk for "off-time" motherhood and sexually transmitted diseases.
Results from within-group investigations of Black adolescent sexuality have pointed out that there are specific aspects of individuals' and families' characteristics, as well as sociocultural and social structural factors, that seem to foster responsible sexual behavior among Black adolescent females (Franklin, 1988; Hogan & Kitagawa, 1985; Murry, 1994; Scott-Jones & Turner, 1988). What follows is a brief listing of some of the most significant predictors of the variation in the sexual activity status of Black adolescent girls. This list is by no means complete.
Abstinence. In terms of family situations that encourage Black girls to delay the onset of first coitus during adolescence, researchers have found that this decision occurs more frequently among those who live with both biological parents, have incomes of middle- to upper-income levels, and have educated mothers (academic training post-high school). In addition, abstinence among Black adolescent females also has been associated with open communication between adolescents and parents about such sexual issues as anatomy and physiology, causes of pregnancy, contraceptive use, and sexually transmitted diseases. Those not sexually active also are more likely to report being exposed to fairly strict discipline and having parents who supervised their dating practices. Other correlates include having accurate knowledge about contraception and conception, being involved in church activities, having high goals in the family regarding achievement in the areas of education and work, and possessing opportunities to obtain employment during adolescence (Hogan & Kitagawa, 1985; Murry, 1994).
Sexually Active, Never Pregnant. Many of the same factors that motivate Black girls to delay onset of sexual intercourse also foster responsible behavior once they become sexually active. In addition to correlates discussed above, sexually active Black adolescents who have not become pregnant tend to be effective contraceptive users, and are more likely to have used a method at first coitus. These girls also report having access to reproductive health care services and attending clinics annually for sexual health check-ups. Sexually active, never pregnant Black adolescents seem to be more knowledgeable about the least and most effective contraceptive methods, and to use medically prescribed methods more often than those who become pregnant. Those less vulnerable to unplanned pregnancies also are more likely to wait until late adolescence before becoming sexually active; sexual onset more often did not occur until at least 3 years post-menarche (Murry, 1995).
In conclusion, understanding the sexual career paths of adolescents is quite complex. Much insight can be gained, however, by looking more closely at those who decide to practice abstinence when the majority of their peers have engaged in sexual intercourse (Haignere, 1987) and a large proportion of them have become unwed mothers. In light of what has been presented here, it seems that adolescents must have reasons, as well as structural support, to say "NO" to sex and "NO" to pregnancy and motherhood. Today's youth must be able to foresee the opportunity costs associated with sexual risk taking. What is quite apparent, as reflected in previous studies, is that having access to resources that provide opportunities for youth to obtain adulthood status through more traditional pathways, as well as avenues to prevent unplanned pregnancies, seem to encourage responsible sexual decisions among adolescents in general, and Blacks in particular.
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Scott-Jones, D., & Turner, S. L. (1988). Sex education,
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adolescent females. Journal of Adolescent Research, 3, 171-
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Weddle, K. D., McKenry, P. C., & Leigh, G. K. (1988).
Adolescent sexual behavior: Trends and issues in research.
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Wyatt, G. E., Peters, S. D., & Guthrie, D. (1988). Kinsey
revisited: Part II. Comparisons of the sexual socialization
and sexual behavior of Blacks over 33 years. Archives of
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Velma McBride Murry is an Assistant Professor in the
Department of Child and Family Development at the University of Georgia.
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