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Introduction
Researchers have long been intrigued by female sexuality. Perhaps one reason for this is that males, more often than females, have tended to be the investigators, and heterosexual
fascinations, combined with the desire to predict and control aspects of female sexuality,
have been significant factors in shaping the research enterprise. When research on Black
women's sexuality is considered, this analysis becomes even more compelling, particularly
when the stereotypes which have traditionally informed white men about Black women's
sexuality -- i.e., the sexless Mammy, the oversexed Jezebel, and the emasculating Sapphire-- are considered. In an effort to gain deeper insight into the sexual development of Black
women, this paper addresses the following questions: How have stereotypes influenced research on Black women's sexuality? How might knowledge about these stereotypes and
their effects counteract the spread of AIDS among Black women? In light of the rapid
spread of AIDS among women -- Black women in particular -- it is imperative that the
scientific community commit itself to gaining an increased understanding of the underlying
mechanisms that may influence the sexual development and behavior of these women.
Research statistics indicate that African-Americans are at increased risk for contracting the
human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), the precursor of acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS). According to a recent survey of national health, Blacks account for only
12% of the U.S. population, but comprise close to 30% of the AIDS cases (Hinkle et al.,1992). Included among those most currently at risk for acquiring HIV are poor, urban
Black women: approximately 53% of all women infected with the AIDS virus are
African-American (Smith & Moore, 1993). It is clear that efforts must be made to examine
and prevent the spread of AIDS among this community of women.
Many of the current studies of minority women and AIDS have examined the relationship
between their attitudes and knowledge about AIDS and sexual behavior (Hardy &
Biddlecom, 1992; Jemmott & Jemmott, 1992; Hinkle et al., 1992). However, it has been
consistently demonstrated that there is a significant gap between an individual's knowledge
about AIDS and her safe sexual practices. While the focus has been on effective prevention,
it appears that there has been little broad theoretical exploration of the factors which may
influence the development of women's sexuality in general, and Black women's sexuality in
particular. Even less research has been conducted on the relationship between sexuality and
"such normative processes as identity development" (Murry & Long, 1993). Researchers
have come to recognize that the behavior of individuals in any particular domain often
reflects their sense of self within the context of that domain (Rosenberg & Kaplan, 1982). It
then seems plausible that the sexual behavior of women may be the manifestation of the way
they view themselves as sexual beings. Sexual behavior may develop out of a woman's
sexual sense of self, or her sexual identity.
A Model of Female Sexual Development
Chilman (1983) conceptualizes issues of sexuality from a broad developmental perspective.
She describes sexual development as a process that changes from one stage of development to the next -- from early childhood through adulthood. In developing her
theory of sexual development, she has loosely adopted the framework of Erikson's psychosocial theory of development. Similar to Erikson, Freud, and other developmental
theorists, Chilman posits that at each stage of sexual development, individuals are
confronted with tasks which must be resolved successfully in order to gain a sense of
oneself as valuable. However, unlike the models of Freud and Erikson, Chilman outlines
these tasks less specifically. Instead, she focuses her attention on behaviors which may
serve as markers of positive sexual development, such as the exhibition of self- control in
protecting oneself from unwanted pregnancies and sexually transmitted diseases.
Chilman's theory is unique in that it addresses the development of female sexuality
across the lifespan, and it acknowledges a significant relationship between identity development and
sexual behavior. Central to her theory is her belief that sexuality develops positively or
negatively from the interaction among a number of factors, including psychological, social,
economic and political ones. Within her framework, Chilman indicates that it is important to
note the influence of a wide range of characteristics, including social class and race, as they
impact reference group attitudes, beliefs, and norms regarding sexual behavior. In essence,
Chilman's work affirms the significance of the relationship between a women's sexuality
and/or sexual behavior and her sense of self.
The breadth of Chilman's framework, along with its attempts to describe the influence
of
multiple factors on the development of sexuality, is important in that it highlights the need to
consider this development of sexuality from a broad systemic view, as well as from an
individualistic one. Chilman recognizes the importance of viewing the sexual behavior of
individuals within the sociocultural context in which it occurs. As previously stated, this
framework acknowledges the relationship between identity and sexual behavior; however,
its focus remains primarily on behavioral outcome, and as such does little to illuminate the
processes of this relationship. We suggest that the exploration of Black women's sexual
identity may yield critical information which may be useful in designing and implementing
more effective strategies for reducing the risk of AIDS within this population of women.
Impact of Sexual Myths on Black Women's Sexual Sense of Self
It long has been established in the psychological literature that an individual's sense of self
may be influenced strongly by the way in which she is perceived by others. Therefore, in an
attempt to gain some understanding of the way in which the Black woman establishes a
sexual sense of herself, it is important to review the sexual identities that have been ascribed
to her by others. There are numerous myths related to the sexual identities and social roles
of Blacks. Wilson (1986) suggests that sexual images of Black women are negative and
conflicting in many ways. However, there appear to be three recurrent sexual stereotypes of
Black women in the literature: the sexless, but nurturing Mammy; the Jezebel, or sexually
"loose" Black woman; and the emasculating Sapphire. Though different from one another,
these images developed out of an important historical and sociological context: the sexual
exploitation of African- American women during slavery.
It has been well documented that sexual promiscuity and exploitation of female slaves was
common and even encouraged by slavemasters (Staples, 1972, 1973, 1978). Staples
(1973) notes that "the function of the female slave was to breed additional slaves," as well
as to satisfy the sexual appetites of white slavemasters. Black women were "forcibly
subjected to the carnal desires of any male who took fancy to [them], including the
slavemaster, his overseer, or any male slave" (Staples, 1973, p. 13),and were systematically
abused as sexual objects. The myth of Jezebel or the "loose" Black woman is the product of
this system of sexual torture and abuse. The image of the lusty, insatiable Black woman was
a fantasy constructed in the minds of white men, in an effort to heighten the contrast
between her behavior and the so-called sexual purity of white women, as well as to justify
their sexual exploitation of her (Staples, 1972, 1973; Wade-Gayles, 1984).
Most commonly portrayed as heavy set, having dark skin and traditional African features,
the Mammy has been characterized as unattractive, asexual, and unsuitable
as a sexual
partner: Created to justify the economic exploitation of house slaves and
sustained to explain Black women's long-standing restriction to domestic
service, the Mammy image represents the normative yardstick used to evaluate all Black women's behavior. By loving, nurturing and caring for
her white children and family better than her own, the Mammy symbolized the dominant group's perceptions of the ideal Black female
relationship to elite white male power. (Collins, 1990, p. 71)
According to this well-constructed myth, outside of mothering, Mammy has no desires or
needs of her own, and is quite content in her subordination (Collins, 1990; Wilson, 1986). Similarly, the most salient features of the Sapphire myth of Black female sexuality are her
lack of femininity, her sexless, harshly aggressive nature, and her inclination to emasculate
the Black male at every opportunity. This image of the Black woman is deeply rooted in
commonly held beliefs regarding the so-called matriarchal structure of the Black family.Staples (1972) notes that in large part the patriarchal family structure is based on the
economic dependence of the female on her male partner. Because American society
traditionally has denied Black men the economic opportunities necessary to support their
families, Black women, during slavery and beyond, often have been forced to be
independent of Black men for economic support. This is in contradiction to the traditional
roles assumed by white women vis-àa-vis their relationship with white males. As a
consequence of Black women's need to be more self-reliant than their white counterparts,
the Black family has been falsely characterized as matriarchal. Often Black women are
portrayed as caretakers who are devoid of sexuality and as such have been subjected to a
process of symbolic de-feminization. Collins (1990) states that these "controlling images of
Black women are not simply grafted onto existing social institutions but are so pervasive that
even though the images themselves change in the popular imagination, Black women's
portrayal of the Other persists" (p. 78). Therefore, it is important to consider how such
images influence the sexual identity development of Black women.
Wilson (1986) suggests that such "limiting and conflicting images offer distorted, often
negative models to the young Black girl" who is striving to establish a sense of sexual identity
(p. 35). Boyd (1993) notes that the absence of positive Black female images on the pages
of the books she read throughout childhood influenced her sense of her developing self,
placing some constraints on her ability to view herself as "a confident and powerful Black
woman" (p. 4). Should such constricted views of the self persist, they ultimately may
become internalized and central to one's set of personal beliefs about oneself (Boyd, 1993,
pp. 3-6). Distorted images of Black women's sexuality may strongly impact their overall
self-concept and self-esteem, and more specifically, the degree to which they are able to
view themselves as non-deficient, efficacious, and powerful within a sexual context.
Clearly, negative stereotypes and myths regarding Black women's sexuality are
prevalent within American culture and reflect her devalued position within it. That such falsehoods
persist, that they are continuously propagated in the literature and mass media, speak
directly to Black women's oppressed status in American society. It is as a result of their
powerlessness that so often they are denied the freedom of self-definition, and instead must struggle constantly to "defy culturally imposed negative identities" (Bell-Scott, 1994).
Powerlessness of Black Women
Black women live in multiple jeopardies as they contend with issues of gender, race
and class. They may encounter gender discrimination both within and outside of their
communities; they may experience racism from other women, as well as from men
(Reid, 1984). Reid (1984) suggests that while it has been given little consideration in the literature,
the combined influence of gender and race broadly impacts the personal development of
Black women.
Often African-American women are hindered by fewer years of education, higher rates of
unemployment, over-representation in low-status, low-paying jobs, and significantly higher
rates of poverty than those of whites and Black men (Collins, 1990; Gutiérrez, 1990;
Lykes, 1983; Reid & Comas-Diaz, 1990). Within the professional realm, they commonly
are under-represented in positions of power and generally are denied sufficient access to
necessary social and material resources (Cox, 1993; Gutiérrez, 1990). Black women tend
to suffer from poorer mental and physical health outcomes than do other groups,
irrespective of their socioeconomic status (Thoits, 1983; Gutiérrez, 1990).
The inability to cope with stressful life events is often the focus of discussions regarding the
link between health outcomes and women of color's membership in devalued
groups. However, Gutiérrez (1990) advocates an empowerment perspective when considering such
issues. She asserts that issues of power and powerlessness are central to the experiences of
women of color. It might be more useful to examine the effect that powerlessness has on
women of color's ability to exercise personal control within many areas of their lives,
including their sexuality.
Theory of Empowerment and Sexual Behavior Change
According to Rappaport (1985), empowerment is:
[A] sense of control over one's life. . . . It expresses itself at the level of
feelings, . . . ideas about self worth, . . . being able to make a difference
in the world around us. . . . We all have it as potential. It does not need to
be purchased, nor is it a scarce commodity. (p. 17)
Similarly, poet Nikki Giovanni declares that, while perceptions of powerlessness abound,
actual powerlessness is rare. She is quoted by Claudia Tate (1983) as saying, "We've got to
live in the real world. If we don't like the world we're living in, change it. And if we can't
change it, we change ourselves" (p.68). Gutiérrez (1990) explains that such definitions of
empowerment emphasize combining a sense of personal control with the ability to impact
behavior of others, focusing on the enhancement of existing strengths of individuals and/or
communities, and believing that power is an available resource that can be generated
through the process of empowerment.
Issues of personal control and power are often pivotal in women's sexual relationships.
Fullilove & Reynolds (1984) note that women enter negotiations around sexuality from
a significantly different power base than do men. Within the context of their relations
with men, Black women may view their power as limited not only by their roles as women in a
patriarchy, but also as a result of the scarcity of available Black men in
their communities.
Similarly, Wyatt (1982) emphasizes the link between Black women's sexuality and issues of
power. She suggests that as a result of slavery, African women and their African-American
descendants have been subjected to sexual abuse and exploitation tantamount to no other
group of women; she further submits that Black women are just beginning to experience
what she calls "sexual ownership," or the right to make decisions regarding the expression of
their sexuality. It is likely, however, that many women have still yet to begin such a process.
In a study conducted by Wyatt (1982), Black women indicated that their parents and the
church strongly censored discussions around sexuality and sexual expression outside of the
context of marriage. These women indicated that the communication of such prohibitive
messages was an effort to defuse myths and negative images regarding the hypersexuality of
Black women, as well as to minimize the chances that early pregnancy might lead them to
forfeited opportunities for educational and economic advancement (Wyatt, 1982). Thus, it
appears that Black women may encounter very few experiences which encourage them to
actively consider sexual issues, let alone develop a positive, well-formed sexual sense of
self. Such active consideration and development is likely to precede significant increases in
safe sexual practices and decreases in sexual risk-taking behaviors among Black women.
Therefore, these authors suggest that Gutiérrez' (1990) model of empowerment offers a
promising framework for conceptualizing Black women's sexual identity development,
particularly as it relates to promoting safe sexual behaviors within this population.
Gutiérrez (1990) suggests that empowerment is a continual process of growth and change that occurs throughout the life- cycle. According to Gutiérrez (1990), empowerment, rather
than a specific state, is an action-based approach which "occurs on the individual,
interpersonal, and institutional levels, where the person develops a sense of personal power,
an ability to affect others, and an ability to work with others to change social institutions" (p.150). Four psychological changes appear to be critical in propelling individuals from
indifference and/or hopelessness into action: increasing self-efficacy, developing group
consciousness, reducing self-blame, and assuming personal responsibility for change
(Gutiérrez, 1990). There are several important implications of this framework for improving
AIDS prevention strategies for Black women.
Self-efficacy has been defined as an individual's perception that she has the ability to
produce and regulate life events. Cognitive literature indicates that improvement in feelings
of efficacy are associated with developing a sense of personal power or strength,
developing a sense of mastery and client initiative, or increasing the client's ability to act
(Pinderhughes, 1984; Gutiérrez, 1990). Thus it would seem reasonable to assume that increasing Black women's belief that they can be efficacious within the context of their
sexual interactions is likely to precede any significant behavioral changes within that context.
The formation of a group consciousness generally involves developing a more systemic view
of the world and important life events. Gutiérrez (1990) suggests that it involves developing
an awareness of the role of political structures in impacting the experiences of both
individuals and groups. According to empowerment theory, the development of such a
perspective results in a re-definition of individual, group, or community problems emerging
from a lack of power. Group consciousness also promotes a sense of belonging and
connectedness within the individual. "A sense of shared fate" (Gutiérrez, 1990, p. 150) may
be particularly important for mobilizing Black women to make group efforts to reclaim and
exercise their personal control regarding the circumstances under which they express
themselves sexually.
Closely related to consciousness raising is reducing self- blame. As Black women redefine
their sexual and racial oppression in terms of a broader, political perspective,
it is
anticipated that they will attribute the consequences of many related, negative life
experiences to external rather than internal factors. It is expected that such cognitive
and attributional changes will result in a reduction of impairing psychological states such as
depression and immobilization, both strongly associated with feelings of
self-blame
(Gutiérrez, 1990).
However, this reduction of self-blame must accompany the assumption of personal
responsibility for change. Gutierrez (1990) indicates that individuals who do not feel
responsible for their problems are unlikely to invest effort in generating solutions for them.
Thus, it appears that emphasizing the impact of individuals, groups, and communities of
Black women in influencing the course of their own sexual development and behavior may
be essential for designing more effective strategies for the prevention of AIDS.
Implications for AIDS Prevention
In the effort to prevent the spread of AIDS in the Black female community, first and
foremost is the need to assist young Black women in developing a womanist identity, in
addition to a racial one, so that they may be more encouraged to confront issues endemic to
them as women of color. Like other women of color, Black women may feel some
responsibility to forego issues pertinent to their own development and progress as women,
for what may seem to be more pressing issues of racial inequality. Within this ongoing
struggle for equality, consistent with the patriarchal ideology which dominates the cultural
milieu, issues regarding the well-being of women are frequently considered of secondary
importance, if important at all. Thus, it is incumbent upon women to establish an
environment in which their issues will be viewed as primary.
Toward this end, young girls and women might benefit from increased networking among
women in their communities. Grassroots organizations emphasizing mentoring programs,
group dialogue, and a 'women helping women' orientation might be created to help socialize
young girls into a more womanist ideology. Pre-existing organizations which have a strong
foothold in the Black community (Black sororities, fraternities, and benevolent associations,
and Black churches) also might serve as conduits through which young women may gain
increased self- knowledge and awareness, such that they begin to realize the collective
strength and power of women, as well as gain a sense of individual empowerment.
Via these organizations and other less formal community gatherings of women,
programs need to be created which would best serve young Black women by helping to socialize
them into womanhood in a very direct and concrete manner. Within these contexts young
women could be encouraged to explore issues related to their femininity and sexuality from
a broader, life- span perspective. These gatherings might serve as forums for discussing the
collective and individual impacts of race, class, and gender on the development of women.
Young women could be engaged in discussions and activities designed to help counter
negative stereotypes of Black women; participants could assist one another in constructing
for themselves alternative, healthier self-images, ones reflecting the reality of their
experiences as women rather than the fictive imagination of the dominant culture.
It would be important for these discussions to focus on sexuality as a broad concept,
in
addition to specific sexual behaviors and related sequelae, such as pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. Such experiences would serve not only to expand black women's
views of their sexuality, but also to increase the repertoire of activities
designed to express
it. Such an elaboration of ideology and perspective might result in more constructive
expressions of sexuality and safer sexual practices.
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Stephanie Brown received her B.S. in psychology from the University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign and her M.A. in psychology from California State University at Los
Angeles. Currently, she is a doctoral student in the Program of Clinical Psychology at the
University of Georgia. Her research interests include issues of self-concept, the influence of
ethnicity on identity development, and diversity management.
Lily McNair obtained her A.B. in psychology from Princeton University and her Ph.D. in
clinical psychology from the State University of New York at Stony Brook. Presently, she is
an Assistant Professor of Psychology at the University of Georgia. Her research interests
include alcohol expectancies and risky sexual behavior, and the roles of race and gender in
therapy.
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